The Rise of Bobi Wine

What distinguishes Bobi Wine from other Ugandan opposition leaders, especially in response to M7's latest petulant and dismissive missive, is that Bobi Wine consciously but respectfully and directly confronted M7 point by point in his own unequivocal missive.

Bobi Wine's letter will live to hunt not only M7's consciousness, but Ugandans of good conscience, like the late American civil rights leader, Dr. King's letter from Birmingham jail.

And if that is not impressive enough, listen to his BBC interview!

Already as we speak, Bobi Wine's letter vs M7's are not only the subject of discussion on social media and local talk shows, but also, are being enacted in a Luganda parody on a YouTube video that's bound to go viral!

Bobi Wine also has all the attributes Andrew Mwenda points out in his 10 July 2027 Op-Ed, which the opposition can dismiss at their own peril:

"The best strategy for Museveni’s critics is to differentiate themselves from him. If his coalition is old, theirs must be young. If he is forceful, they must be persuasive. If he is corrupt, they must be honest. If he is intolerant, they must be accommodating. Where he is incompetent, they must exhibit effectiveness. Since he has a warrior brand, theirs must be a re-conciliatory brand." Andrew Mwenda

If Bobi Wine is wise, he would sit back now and just carry out his parliamentary duties as best as he can, and let his viral letter speak for itself!

For the ardent Besigye supporters who may feel like Bobi Wine's rise is a besmirch to all the sacrifices and efforts of Dr. Besigye, think of America's Obama's rise to the presidency of the USA.

There were many other worthwhile African American leaders before Obama that paved his path to the highest and most powerful job in the world.

Obama's rise and success did not diminish all those gallant African American leader's contributions!

Dr. Besigye acknowledged this reality himself, at the funeral service of the late Democratic Party president, Mr. John Ssebaana Kizito.

It's also time for Uganda's diaspora to take a keen interest and financial support for Uganda's fledgling rising star in Uganda's struggle for real diversity in leadership.

We can't be enjoying the liberty and freedoms the diaspora offers us while our brothers and sisters wallow in the 30 plus year quagmire of one man rule!

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THE CALIBER OF UGANDA'S PERPETUAL LEADER!

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The Elephant in Uganda's Fledgling Democracy!

There is one thing despots are good at:

Demagoguery:

a person, especially an orator or political leader, who gains power and popularity by arousing the emotions, passions, and prejudices of the people.

M7 is playing on the homophobia of Ugandans to divert attention away from the real problem in Uganda: his overextended stay in power!

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Pathetic spectacle of Uganda’s priorities

Excerpt from Uganda's Daily Monitor | Monday, September 16 2013

A brand new state-of-the-art, no expenses spared ambulance costs less than $250,000 in North America. Unaffordable you say? Not when you consider some of the comforts that Uganda’s rulers allow themselves. To celebrate Uganda’s 50 years of independence, the Ugandan ruler acquired at least one Mercedes Benz Pullman S600 whose sticker price is at least $1.4 million.

The cost of the President’s Benz would have acquired six top-of-the-line ambulances, with lots of spare change. And if the Ugandan ruler really cared about his people, he would not have spent $55 million on a Gulfstream G550 plane to ferry him on endless junkets around the world

It is all a matter of priorities, of course. The Ugandan regime happily throws money at luxuries and other unaffordable, unprofitable ventures while the majority of tax paying citizens make do with little

- Muniini K. Mulera

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Uganda's conscientious & perceptive but unsung massage by Dr. Olara Otunnu!

Excerpt from Uganda's Saturday Monitor | September 14th, 2013 The Setting

Our country is in the grip of a grave national crisis. The country is broken. And the signs are all around us. Staggering and wholesale plunder of national and public resources. Absolute humiliating poverty - - actually programmed poverty. Systematic destruction of cooperatives (rural economy), Jinja industrial hub, and railways. Rampant land grabbing. Almost total non-delivery of social services. Complete collapse of the once solid systems of public education (both primary and secondary) and health service.

Deliberate gutting and destruction of national institutions. Sham elections and bogus multi-party space. Genocide in northern Uganda. Death of rule of law and celebration of impunity. State terror and ‘safe houses’. Brutal suppression of opposition and dissent. A land of segregation and discrimination. The list goes on.

This landscape of destruction and ruin, despair and humiliation, is the fruit of 28 years of President Museveni/NRM rule and the much-trumpeted ‘fundamental change’. In consequence, the country is now facing nothing short of an existential challenge. Sometimes I fear that some of the damage have been so radical and cut so deep into the fabric of our society that they may prove irreparable in the post-Museveni era.

These conditions under which Ugandans live lie deeply embedded below layers and years of doublespeak narratives, a well-financed and well-orchestrated infrastructure of lies and disinformation. The image of Uganda that has been assiduously cultivated and projected, particularly to the outside world, has no bearing whatsoever on the realities within the country. There is a complete disconnect. But by dint of sheer repetition, these fraudulent narratives have acquired the aura of truth.

The truth is that the Museveni regime has been a catastrophe for Uganda. It has driven the country into comprehensive ruin and brokenness. Faced with this dire landscape, we need to make a fundamental shift in the trajectory of our national destiny. We must embark on an agenda and programme of radical renewal, not a cosmetic make-over. A process that can lead to a born-again country.

To achieve this radical renewal, we need to pursue a radically new national agenda. This agenda composes six principal planks:

• Removal of the Museveni regime

•Undertaking an independent Truthtelling, Accountability and Reconciliation process , to pave the way for genuine healing

• Convening a National Convention to adopt a new National Covenant

• A return to the national project. I mean a conscious return to the mission of reuniting the country, of rebuilding the broken sense of common belonging and shared destiny

• The fifth plank is a long term challenge, namely rebuilding and transformation. Because beyond regime change , there is the far more daunting task of overcoming the Museveni system and legacy -- this edifice of ruin, deformations and mindsets, spawned by 28 years of NRM’s toxic brews of policies and practices, indoctrination and conditioning

• And, finally, and most critical of all, we must embark on a far-reaching moral revival in our country

Part 1: Regime Change and 2016 ‘Elections’

The first order of business, our top priority without any equivocation, must be the removal of the Museveni regime. This is the immediate and most urgent goal of our struggle. Why am I so categoric about this? Certainly, at both the political and moral levels, the regime has lost all legitimacy. As the Chinese would express it, the emperor has long lost the ‘mandate of heaven’.

Most important, because in the context of Uganda, regime change is the key to everything else. As long as this regime remains in place, all our aspirations and preoccupations will remain blocked. Plainly , under the Museveni regime, it is now impossible to revive service delivery, revamp and fix the broken school and health systems, stem the onslaught of plunder and corruption, have fair taxation , build multi-party democracy , reinstitute the rule of law , reorganise Kampala city or Makerere university , have free and independent media , or reunite the country .

Thus, regime change is not an end in itself; rather its significance lies in opening the way for the far more consequential process of transformation. Any efforts to fix these problems in a piecemeal fashion are futile. Because these problems are mere symptoms of a wider systemic malaise and brokenness.

While recognising particular trees in the midst of this forest, we should, keep our focus on the forest as a whole. The individual trees will not progress one iota until we have changed the situation and environment that is killing the entire forest. This regime is itself the source and perpetrator of these problems, and has been responsible for their entrenchment for nearly three decades. That is why to propose a reform agenda for the Museveni regime is a misnomer, an illusion. This regime cannot be reformed; it can only be removed.

Regime change

Regime change can come about in one of four ways: armed struggle; military take-over; popular uprising; or through free and fair elections. I am opposed to the first two options. The preferred method, by far, is free and fair elections. But when this option is definitively blocked, then Ugandans have to assume their responsibility and take charge of their own destiny through a popular uprising, employing positive non-violent resistance.

At this existential moment for our country , we need to build a social movement for change that brings together all democracy-seeking and patriotic social forces in our society - - political parties ; civil society ; religious organisations ; women organizations ; youth organisations ; traders ;organised workers ; and professional associations.

What unites us is our common hunger for liberation, dignity and genuine democracy. This social movement should also include many of our brothers and sisters in NRM, those who care deeply about the future of our country. This is an inclusive citizens’ struggle. We must work to forge maximum unity among all democratic and patriotic forces in the country. But this should not become an excuse or alibi for lack of action to remove the regime. We cannot wait until there is complete unity before we act. South Africans did not wait for ANC and PAC to end their bitter rivalry before liberating the country.

The civil rights movement in the US did not wait for Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Stockley Carmichael and the ‘moderate’ clergy to resolve their conflicts before toppling segregation. Similarly, in the 1960s, most of Africa attained independence without first resolving that seminal debate and rift - Independence Now vs Gradual Self-Government.

Our struggle must proceed from a state of relative unity, progressing from a united front of those who are willing and committed today, to a critical mass that can move this to a tipping point tomorrow. It is in this broader context of the social movement that the opposition should work to rebuild inter-party cooperation. In the immediate, we should construct our collaboration around concrete projects of common preoccupation.

I believe that the first and most urgent project on which we should unite is the campaign for free and fair elections in the context of 2016. Collaborating on a concrete project is also good for building trust and confidence, and the habit of working together. From this specific project, proceeding naturally and deliberately, we can graduate to deeper and more ambitious levels of togetherness.

2016 road map

This brings us to the so-called road map for 2016. Before we can discuss anything about elections in 2016, we must first ask: what kind of elections? The current Museveni/Kiggundu system will produce the same sham elections as in the past. It is designed and operates as the rigging machine for Museveni/NRM. What Ugandans should focus on now is not a scramble for 2016, but a robust campaign for a new electoral system that can ensure genuinely free and fair elections. Ugandans should never again accept to escort Museveni into another sham elections.

Concretely, the campaign for free and fair elections should focus on undertaking four tasks. First, it should put forward a basket of specific demands, proposing remedies to the key concerns which have bedevilled previous elections.

This basket should include proposals on: independent electoral commission; clean and verifiable register of voters; role of security forces and militia; financing of elections and deployment of money; demarcation of constituencies; securing the journey from counting, to collating , to announcement of results ; and adjudication of dispute for presidential election .

Second, this basket of demands should be discussed by all stakeholders, in a national forum, in order to garner national consensus on a new and legitimate system.

Third, it is imperative to mobilise serious concerted pressure in favour of a new electoral system. This should be the immediate priority for the social movement. Museveni/NRM will always contrive to continue with sham elections. They will only accept new arrangements when, under pressure, they are left with no other option.

Finally, whereas a national dialogue is necessary on this matter, it should not be open-ended. It should be undertaken within a specified sunset time frame, to avoid stonewalling by Museveni/NRM. The country needs to know the outcome in good time in order to chart the path forward accordingly.

In embarking on this new campaign, I very much hope that we have learnt some critical lessons from the painful debacle of 2010/11. At that time, within the then opposition umbrella (IPC), we adopted a common position with clear-cut demands. We announced and reaffirmed this position several times.

Internationally, some key constituencies had been mobilised in support of this campaign. For example, the Congressional Directive on Free and Fair Elections in Uganda. Museveni was under great pressure. Sadly, at this critical moment, the rest of IPC members suddenly made a U-turn and abandoned our collective demands.

This was a tragic error, for which Ugandans have paid a high price. And with this U-turn, how could we expect international sympathisers to remain fighting for our cause? This episode damaged our credibility and commitment for change. I hope this time Ugandans have the resolve to pursue the campaign to its logical conclusion.

Election snub

In the event that Museveni/ NRM rejects the demands for overhauling the electoral system, my position remains the same as in 2010/11-- Ugandans should not accompany Museveni/NRM in yet another sham elections in 2016. In all this, Ugandans must realise that there is no magic wand that will miraculously deliver us from this fascist rule. Change will only come through the engagement of a critical mass of Ugandans, through our personal and collective agency.

We, Ugandans, must become the change agents we wish for in our country. To prosecute this political project requires, above all, one indispensable ingredient: RESOLVE. This ingredient has been conspicuously missing from the Ugandan scene. Without resolve we would have never witnessed the recent successful uprisings in the Middle East and elsewhere, the collapse of apartheid in South Africa, or the ending of segregation in the United States.

For nearly three decades, the regime has drummed great fear into our people. Worse, Ugandans have been conditioned to internalise and accept the oppression and humiliations visited upon them as ‘normal’. It is particularly striking that , with notable exceptions , the intelligentsia (who bears special responsibility for leading a change agenda) - - the political class , civil society leaders , the professional classes and associations ,etc. , have been largely unengaged , watching from the side-lines as this catastrophe swallows up the country. Many are self-absorbed, most are afraid and risk-averse. But all are longing and praying for change. More of us must be willing to become the agents of our own liberation. This is entirely attainable. But we must be prepared and have the resolve to suffer a little, to sacrifice a little, and, if need be, to die a little.

This is the only path to liberation and taking back our country from those who have hijacked it, and who have subjugated us for the last 28 years.

The second part of Dr. Otunnu’s proposal: setting out a radical shift in our national trajectory, Reinventing Uganda.

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The dichotomy of Colonialism & African development!

If the leaders that lead Africa to independence had pursued a non xenophobic leadership approach and maintained arm's length partnerships with the expatriates from all over the world (who, despite some misgivings, the colonial governments used to establish the infrastructure that Africa still relies on even to this day), Africa's woes wouldn't be so dire.

The USA is the greatest nation in the world today, largely because it accepts people with talent and ingenuity from all over the world. Historical figures like Albert Einstein, Louis Armstrong, Martin Luther King Jr., president Barack Obama, and many others including Ngugi wa Thiong'o illustrate the benefits of America's tolerance for foreigners.

On to the questions regarding why there is no African corporations or armies in the west, the answer is simply: Africa does not yet have the capacity for such endeavors! Besides, African governments also never had friendly environments for corporations to form. As to the NATO intervention in Libya, it was a UN mandate, which the majority of Libyans supported and without which Gaddafi's dictatorship would still be in place.

And thank havens we never had an African government led by the likes of Kwame Nkruma let alone Robert Mugabe!

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Bukenya May be God's Saint Paul to Uganda!

Uganda is caught up in a perpetual paternalistic political quagmire, in which there is really no innocent political choice. And we are all responsible for it in one way or another. Ugandans can demonize Dr. Bukenya as many are doing so far but that's a sure guarantee that M7 will win in 2016; or they can coalesce behind the most expierinced but less than perfect Bukenya that may actually turn out to be God's Apostle Paul to Uganda's sane political future.

And here is why:

Paul the Apostle is generally considered one of the most important figures of the Apostolic Age and one of the greatest religious leaders of all time without whom, Christianity would not be what it is today.

And yet, before his conversion, Paul, then known as Saul, was a "zealous" Pharisee who "intensely persecuted" the followers of Jesus.

The Conversion of Paul, in spite of his attempts to completely eradicate Christianity, is seen as evidence of the power of Divine Grace, with "no fall so deep that grace cannot descend to it and no height so lofty that grace cannot lift the sinner to it. It also demonstrates God's power to use everything, even the hostile persecutor, to achieve the divine purpose.

The best antidote to M7's overextended incumbency advantage is someone whose experience in leadership office M7 will be had pressed to malign!

Paul the Apostle

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Dr. Bukenya deserves a Chance!

It takes courage for such a senior and staunch follower of M7 to break ranks with the status quo! Bukenya's action, by itself says volumes about this man.

NO BODY IS PERFECT!

So is former president Bill Clinton! Even Obama himself, smoked pot in his youth!

If Bukenya is given a chance he is more likely to bring along other NRM stalwarts that will otherwise hang with M7.

Baganda are once again throwing another of their own under the bus for the sake of petty grudges and political expediency as they did with the late Ben Kiwanuka.

Bukenya is the best among Uganda's bad choices at the moment. He is the most viable with all his years as vice president, which will make it more likely for him to break the paradigm of M7's hegemony than any of the other choices; if Ugandans can unite behind him.

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Bukenya is a glimmer of light under the tunnel of M7's hegemony in Uganda!

The irony of professor Gilbert Bukenya's challenge to M7 is that Bukenya was one of the various Vice Presidents M7 has hand picked over the course of his perpetual 27 years in power.

Which begs the question, what took the former VP so long to realize the emperor has been running around with no clothes on?

This is either the smartest political scheme, the NRM has devised to cling to power or M7's hegemony is finally bearing the weight of his overextended stay in power!

As a challenger, professor Bukenya has considerable experience and knowledge not only of M7's government but also an insider knowledge of M7's strength & weaknesses!

M7 will be hard pressed to patronize Bukenya the way he decimated Otunnu in the 2011 campaign by accusing the distinguished former UN ambassador of staying outside the country while he, M7, was liberating the country.

The saddest legacy of M7's overextended stay in power is the bankrupting effect it has had on Uganda's capacity for leadership talent.

How can a nation of over thirty million people lack the capacity to come up with smart and able leadership talent to challenge M7's 30 year uninterrupted stay in power, in a democracy?

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Uganda needs the leverage of innovation, synergy & diversity in leadership to reach its fullest potential.

"Innovation, in the end, is far bigger than any one big idea" - Fareed Zakaria

When innovation occurs, change happens. Similarly, when change occurs, things adapt to the change in the form of innovation.

Uganda hasn't had a democratic change in leadership in more than 27 years, which means we are under utilizing our capacity to innovate.

M7's 27 year reign has created a majority of uncreative fanatical fawning followers that are deferential toward his delusional omnipotence; instead of a majority of independent minded innovators willing to challenge his overextended stay in power.

No single leader in any free democracy can stay in office as long as M7 has in Uganda without manipulating the system, even if its Hugo Chavez!

Innovation refers to the use of a better and, as a result, novel idea or method of solving problems. M7's overextended stay in power is stifling and withering these basic fundamental tenets of our democracy.

Synergy is the state in which two or more individuals interact together in a particularly fruitful way that produces an effect greater than the sum of their individual efforts. Expressed another way: "the whole is greater than the sum of its parts."

Uganda needs the use of all its leadership talent capacity; But for the past 27 years, that capacity has amazingly been monoplized by only one man!

The harnessing of all Uganda's leadership talent capacity would provide the country a far better outcome than we have had under the 27 years of M7's overextended rule!

Open innovation is the idea that governments and organizations should make use of external ideas and technologies rather than merely rely on thier own devices alone.

We need to turn our nation into an ecosystem of innovativation that harnesses the full capacity of our leadership talent potential rather than the redundant stagnant status quo of anachronistic and paternalistic ideology of one man rule.

The underpining of open innovtion is the idea of abundancy. We live in a world of abundant diversity when it comes to leadership talent, knowledge and skills that needs to be given a chance to flourish rather than wither under the thumb of one man rule.

One of CNN's most distinguished reporters, Fareed Zakaria, a best selling author, Harvard and Yale educated, with a Phd; almost always ends up talking about the value of innovation and how its integral to vibrant successful democracies.

We are short changing ourselves by following only one man. Its blissful ignorance to follow only one man in todays information age!

Uganda needs the leverage of all its talented leaders, their innovation & creativity to reach its fullest potential.

President Kagame recently said something that undescores this point:

People say that I should stay because there is no one to replace me,” he said. “But if in all these years I have been unable to mentor a successor or successors that should be the reason I should not continue as president. It means that I have not created capacity for a post-me Rwanda. I see this as a personal failure

If the majority of Ugandans stubbornly cling to M7's one man rule ideology, then, the nation's innovative capacity will not be optimized!

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The best parody of M7's English grammar aberration!

M7's cavalier use of English exemplifies the soft bigotry of low expectations in leadership caliber.

A head of state, bludgeoning the proper use of English grammar is a very poor role model for young Ugandans learning the proper use of English in a highly competitive world that is increasingly using English as its main currency.

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American Presidential Debates: A lesson for Democracy!

Barack Obama vs John McCain during the 2008 presidential debates!

President Obama and his main challenger Mitt Romney are spending this weekend preparing for their first of three televised debates in the contest for the next president of the USA. It just exemplifies how high the stakes are for both men, and also how level, the playing field is in American democracy! Just because you're president in America does not absolve you from facing your challenger, face to face, person to person on the same stage. In these debates both candidates are equal; and that's the way democracy should be!

Contrast that with Uganda, where M7 arrogantly palaces himself above everyone competing for his job and refused to debate Besigye and got away with it!

To Prep For Debates, Stand-Ins Take The Stage

by NPR STAFF

When President Obama and Gov. Mitt Romney stand on the debate stage this week, their campaign advisers and debate coaches want everything — from the stage lighting, to the audience, the room temperature and most importantly, their opponent — to feel very familiar.

Both men have spent weeks preparing for the debates by facing off against fake versions of their challengers played by stand-ins. Though it is easily overlooked, the work of a debate stand-in itself is grueling.

"It's an incredibly intense undertaking; I spent literally hundreds of hours," former New Hampshire Sen. Judd Gregg told Weekend Edition host Rachel Martin.

Gregg played Al Gore in debate preparation for George W. Bush in the 2000 election. His counterpart that year was Democratic strategist Paul Begala, who was playing George W. Bush during Gore's debate prep.

"It was a multi-week commitment, where it was pretty much the biggest thing I did," Begala says.

In order to properly play their roles, Begala and Gregg started reading, listening and watching as much as they could about the men they would pretend to be on stage.

"[It] got to the point where my wife no longer wanted to turn on the car radio, I had so many tapes of Al Gore in it," Gregg says.

There were times, however, when all that research and preparation paid off. Gregg says that they realized that Gore, because of his physical size and character, would at some point try and walk into Bush's space during a debate. So when it happened in their third debate, they were prepared.

"He looked at me and smiled, and in a relaxed way went on with his answer," Gregg says. "I happened to think that was one of the turning points in the election, and it was interesting that it happened exactly as we'd scripted it."

But you can only script so much. Begala says this was true of Gore's performance. He says what the media picked up on was Gore's breathing pattern, in particular his audible sighing in the first debate.

"He really was appalled at notion that [Bush] was one step away from the White House," Begala says. "At least that's the sense I got."

It was something Begala didn't notice, though he wishes he had, in the debate prep.

Begala and Gregg have played the game of politics for a long time. They both said, often, debates are won or lost in the prep.

"It comes down to the candidate making a connection with the audience in a comfortable way," Gregg says. "It gives the audience two reactions: one that they like the person; and two, that they see the person as a leader."

And to do that, he says, you have to spend a lot of time preparing.

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Where are the adults from Usuk counnty?

From child soldiers to child MP!

The election of this 19 year old girl shows how low the NRM has set the bar for leadership in Uganda! For crying out loud, where are the adults from this county?

MP at 19: Alengot writes history

By Sheila Naturinda, Richard Otim, Fred Muzaale, Simon Peter Emwamu | Daily Monitor

Friday, September 14 2012

One of the country’s longest serving constituency representative, Sam Kuteesa (Mawogola), had been in active politics for 13 years by the time Uganda’s youngest MP-elect Proscovia Alengot Oromait was born in 1993. Mr Kuteesa, the present foreign affairs minister-designate, joined Parliament in 1980, having been elected member for Nyabushozi on the Democratic Party ticket. In that election, he defeated President Museveni who had been in power for seven years by the time the new Usuk County MP was brought into this world. A few months ago Ms Oromait was sitting her A-Level exams. Now she is headed to Parliament to represent the people after controversially winning Wednesday’s by-election. The 19-year-old becomes the youngest MP in the country’s history, taking up the seat on the ruling party ticket after it fell vacant following the death of her father. “It is not the age that matters,” she said on Wednesday in an interview with NTV Uganda. “I knew I was going to win because I had the support of the people. So I was not worried.” She was declared winner of the race by the Electoral Commission with 11,059 (54.2%) votes against her nearest challenger, independent and former MP Charles Oleny Ojok who returned 5,329 (26.1%). Forum for Democratic Change’s Charles Okure took 2,725 (13.3%) in the nine-horse race. Opio Edekep, who managed Ms Alengot’s campaign, says the MP-elect is supposed to join Uganda Christian University Mukono this year but will now have to divide her time between the lecture room and the parliamentary chambers. Despite her age, Ms Alengot is not a stranger to politics; her campaign manager says she was closely involved in her father’s campaign as well as the projects he had promised to initiate in the constituency, including lobbying for education and health infrastructure. What she lacks in age she makes up for in public speaking, according to people close to her. She spent two years working at a radio station in Jinja, chaired the debate club in her high school and participated in the Chogm debate in 2007 at Serena Hotel in Kampala. Not surprising, then, that she caught the eye during her father’s funeral. “She represented the family very well,” Mr Edekep says. “She was composed while her brothers collapsed and failed to talk.” Jude Kamanya, one of her guardians, describes her as social, committed and honest. School friends say she was the anchor and brains behind the school’s weekly news bulletin, leader of the patriotism club, and inclined to feminism. “She was a good leader and usually advised fellow students to study hard,” says Derrick Sserwada, who went to high school with her. “She loves the environment so much.” Ms Alengot admits to getting a lot of support from NRM party officials, including Education minister Jessica Alupo, who has been rumoured to have her own eye on the seat in the 2016 election. “Yes in anything you need people to back you up and yes they help me [sic],” Ms Alengot said yesterday. For now, however, her focus is on the tasks ahead. “My focus is to work on roads, fight cattle-rustling, elevate the education standard in the district,” she said, her lithe frame hardly filling the gomesi. At 19, she becomes probably the youngest MP in Africa. Yesterday, a number of MPs described her win as an absurdity, although others welcomed her win as a positive indicator to youth politics. “That shows people have realised the values [President] Museveni always preaches- he only says as long as one is capable of raising her hand to vote for NRM ideas, there is no need to have the intellectual ability to understand issues,” said FDC’s Ibrahim Ssemujju Others in the race were UPC’s Cecilia Anyakoit with 554 votes, Martin Anukur Okwakol also independent with 284 votes, DP’s Nicholas Oteger with 220, Bob Paul Akileng independent with 160, Loyola Ignatius Apuda independent with 59 and David Ariko tailing with seven votes. Article 80 of the Constitution states that an MP must “be a Ugandan, a registered voter and has completed A level or its equivalent as established by law.” Ms Oromait reportedly registered as voter just ahead of the by-election. Ms Alengot’s entry into politics following her father’s footsteps isn’t the first in Uganda. Other MPs like Martin Mugara (Ntoroko) and Robert Ssebunya (Kyaddondo North) occupied their respective seats following the demise of their parents. In the Eighth Parliament, Ms Susan Lukyamuzi also represented the people of Rubaga North to save her father’s seat from falling into the hands of another when Mr Ken Lukyamuzi was blocked by the IGG from running for Parliament. “For the NRM to merely attract a person on the basis of adding to numbers is unfortunate. By this time we expect NRM to have matured to bring people with sufficient material in Parliament,” said Mr Lukyamuzi yesterday. Nonetheless, the NRM party was happy with this second win in at least eight by-elections because “the people of Usuk chose the person they trust to represent them,” according to Ms Justine Lumumba, the party’ chief whip. “No leader is ever different from the community he or she represents. Her election shows that her community has a very small scope for selection and her win has broken the myth about youths and unemployment,” said Mr Ephraim Biraro (Buhweju). Parliamentarians essentially play the critical oversight role, write laws and represent their people. “For a person to get a job there must be some exposure and knowledge of that job. That she sat S.6 this year and is yet to enter an institution of higher learning isn’t sufficient knowledge to get her a job anywhere,” said Barnabas Tinkasimire (NRM, Buyaga). Mr Tinkasimire describes the NRM internal primaries which saw Ms Oromait win the official flag bearer as “an abortion of internal democracy in the whole party.” “Let’s not close our eyes to reality, is it value addition for legislation or for the people in Usuk?” said Katwiremu Yorokamu (NRM, Sheema) editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

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Chelsea Clinton puts M7's son, Muhoozi to shame!

All in the family: The president, commander of special forces & cabinet minister!

Chelsea Clinton puts M7's son, Muhoozi to shame. Unlike Muhoozi this daughter of former president Bill Clinton, graduated from a four year college and went on to earn an MBA.

You can tell how well someone is educated by how well and articulate they write. Chealse recently wrote an op-Ed about the trip she and her father made in Africa and the charitable work they've have done. Check it out at link below:

Building Tomorrow: one school at a time in Uganda

If Muhoozi earnestly got a worthwhile education from all those overseas schools he went to (most likely on Uganda tax payer money!) he can redeem himself from the specter of "the soft bigotry of low expectations" by writing at least an op-Ed about himself, his accomplishments and his views on democracy rather than having spin masters describe his worthiness!

Brig. Muhoozi

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The Price of Big man Rule in Africa!

M7's never ending terms in office, a contrasting view!

Big man rule breeds the soft bigotry of low expectations! And here is why:

"Bigotry is the characteristic of a prejudiced person who is intolerant of opinions, lifestyles, or identities differing from his own."

Many of these big men think they are better than anyone else. They are the smartest people in the room. The notion of synergy from diversity has no place in their universe. And will go any length, by any means, to make sure that remains the status quo!

In the process they stifle a nations range of vision & perspective: from individual initiative, creativity & innovation. Able and capable opposition leaders that could do the job just as well or better are simply marginalized. This type of leadership not only limits our ability to challenge the status quo, but also stifles our ability to reach our fullest potential.

Big man rule and its demagoguery are the biggest threat to African democracy!

This unfortunate & unquestioned paradigm of overextended one man rule in Africa is fundamentally undemocratic. It creates monster autocrats, instead of service oriented leaders! Its the soft bigotry of an untenable omniscient leadership! Africa deserves better than this cult of Big man rule! It's within our democratic ability to change this anachronistic paradigm!

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One man rule is not the best alternative for the future of our democracy!

M7 is not omniscient!

By enabling the rule of one man for more than 25 years, Ugandans are cheating themselves and the future of our democracy of its fullest potential: harnessing the synergy from its leadership diversity. No single leader, however smart or well meaning they may be can match the synergy derived from diversity in leadership ideas! By blindly insisting on the cult of big man rule, Ugandans are trapping their future in anachronism!

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Africa's Big Man Syndrome

As Africa’s development gradually opens up, the Big Man syndrome, a neo-traditional paternalistic autocratic practices where African elites, intellectuals, elders, rulers, wealthy folks and traditional kingpins believe they are the only ones destined to rule or have monopoly over ideas, has emerged. The Big Man syndrome is anti-democracy, anti-freedoms, anti-human rights, anti-the rule of law and anti diversity in leadership.

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Olympic Gold medal Relativism!

Museveni gave Kiprotich an $.80, 483 largess & called him a real member of his NRM political party! What would Uganda do if it won 46 gold olympic medals? If Uganda devoted as much attention & money as they are devoting to Kiprotich's gold medal win, it would mitigate the country's dilapidated infrastructure, education & health care system. The USA had 46 gold medals and yet the USA government has not convened a special session of congress in honor of their gold medalists! This does not mean the USA cares less for its gold medalists, their fiscal spending priorities are just different. Kiprotich deserves a special recognition but what he is getting so far is way overboard! What if Mr. Kiprotich was allowed to study sports medicine, physical education or nutrition with free room and board at Makerere university, and if he did well send him for further studies abroad! The government could also start recognizing our brightest in science & technology with the same zeal & enthusiasm & offer them phd scholarships to MIT, Harvard, Cambridge or Oxford! Private industry generously supports and sponsors the best performing athletes in the west, Uganda's private industry can do the same and save the taxpayers from this unnecessary fiscal spending.

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`Big Man' Rule Continues to Haunt Africa"

Although African villages are often models of democracy, the concentration of power at higher levels across much of the continent feeds the cult of personality and one-man rule. The leaders of Uganda and Rwanda, whom Clinton lauded as democratic reformers have only tightened their grips power!

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M7's absurd diatribe against Charles Obbo!

Charles Obbo filed a very positive account from a visit to Mogadishu late this past April that must have rubbed M7 off the wrong way; because M7 responded with an opEd diatribe in his government owned New vision newspaper by calling Obbo "One of the greatest enemies of the NRM" Then, in his usual fashion, M7 digresses to claiming the NRM "single handedly discovered oil in Uganda; even though his own government's website on oil and gas clearly states the hunt for oil in Uganda dates back to the 1920's. Judge for yourself from the attachments below: Charles Obbo's post on Mogadishu: MOGADISHU, UP CLOSE AND PERSONAL WITH UGANDAN & BURUNDIAN TROOPS - AND GETTING BLOWN AWAY If you are a critic of Uganda and Burundi's role in the Somalia peace-keeping (AMISOM), then stay away. If you come here, all your criticisms could melt away quickly. In Al Shabaab, the Ugandans and Burundians found an adversary who forced them to rise beyond the mediocrity of African armies. The challenges of having to win hearts and do urban warfare that both these armies were not familiar with, forced them to be creative and learn new tricks - which had the effect of bringing out the best in their officer ranks. The main AMISOM base camp is a tightly run place, spanning 12 kilometres, it is impressive to see the roads, the barricades, and the housing that was built from scratch. We managed to get rooms in their "hostel", and they have DSTv - from Nairobi! They have air conditioning, good wi-fi. They have a guest room with coffee and tea 24/7. Even as late as two years, "gut" opinion polls had 1 in 25 Somalians doubting that AMISOM could ever kick Al Shabaab out. They had a very restrictive Chapter 6 mandate that allowed them to fire back only when shot down. So every day, one officer told me, they took on average 3 injuries, and about a death every week, in attacks by an enemy that they couldn't fight back. Then the July 2010 World Cup Final bombs happened in Kampala. The two terrorist attacks, which Al Shabaab claimed, killed 70 people and wounded hundreds. The timing was ill-thought, because two weeks later an African Union summit was taking place in Kampala. A visibly angry President Yoweri Museveni spoke tough about Al Shabaab and its supporters, saying some over-the-edge about Arabs. The Summit tweaked the mandate, allowing AMISOM to launch "pre-emptive" attacks and to pursue the enemy when attacked. With that, the Ugandans and Burundians took the fight to the Shabaab. Urban warfare is nasty and is not for the faint of heart. You are tormented by snipers. In Somalia, to take Bakara Market - Somalia's biggest and one of Africa's largest - the Ugandans and Burundians often took only 100 metres. You are told stories of a 200 metre stretch that took 6 days to capture. The armies were face to face, and the casualties were high. In the words of a Ugandan officer, the taking of Bakara was "one of the most tactically accomplished battles fought by African armies anywhere". AMISOM prevailed. Two years ago, they and the transitional federal government (TFG) controlled about only 5 districts of Mogadishu. Today, as the baby-faced Uganda contingent commander Brig. Paul Lokech put it, "we control over 99%". All Mogadishu's 16 districts are in the bag, and they have fanned out moved out of the Mogadishu region. We went Maslah, the newest Ugandan front. It used to be the Shabaab's car bomb factory, among others. They are still building defences. Last night the Shabaab tried to fight back. They were beaten. We also went to the Burundi furthest front in Daynille. One can sometimes be carried away by narrow patriotism and nationalism, I will concede, but if truth be told, the Ugandan lines are far ahead. It is stunning to see. It is nothing like you see in most African armies. Of course, American money and training has helped. But Al Shabaab has just brought out the best in these guys. Mogadishu University is a beautiful campus that was abandoned shortly after it was open. Al Shabaab took it over and was lobbing bombs into Mogadishu from its rooftops. The Ugandans (UPDF) took them in an lightning operation that took a few hours. Now they control it. If you climb to the rooftops, you see the defence line, as far as the eyes can see, is a line of green sandbags and gun placements. You would think there were 2,000 soldiers lined up. No. For with the latest deployment, the Uganda contingent is just over 6,000. One art they have mastered, is looking and acting like they are actually twice their number. A fascinating African story is unfolding in Somalia. Two years ago, even among the AMISOM troops, there were some who doubted whether they could take Somalia. Today, they would be surprised if you suggested that they Shabaab will not be defeated everywhere, and that Somalia won't get its life back. Next up for the Ugandans is the city of Afgooye. The Shabaab is dug in big there. Many of its top leaders are there, and their elite fighters. There are no illusions what it will take. With the new UN resolution in February, the Ugandans are working on bringing in attack helicopters, fixed wing fighters, and to up surveillance by drones. "This one will the mother of all battles. There will be a lot of pain, and a high price to pay. But it has to be done". Along with the many body bags that will be flown home, the Ugandans and Burundians with that battle might just rewrite the book on African military history. Compare with M7's response diatribe: Mogadishu: Museveni responds to Obbo Publish Date: May 09, 2012 Share 401 By Yoweri K. Museveni ONE of the greatest enemies of NRM is Charles Obbo. When he was in the Daily Monitor newspaper and, more recently, while in the East African Newspaper ─ all belonging to H.H. AgaKhan – he always pours venom on the work of NRM that it is corrupt, it is led by greedy people who cling to power, etc, etc. The NRM, however, ignores such charlatans and continues with its historic mission of liberating Uganda, liberating Africa and modernizing Uganda. In spite of internal treachery that sometimes delays our work, Uganda is growing and is unstoppable. With the oil, which NRM, single-handedly, discovered for Uganda, the Obbos are going to hang themselves because we will, finally, easily get the US$ 13 billion we need to invest in infrastructure to turn Uganda into a middle income country. All the aid (in form of loans and grants) we have got from outside, ever since 1986, amounts to only US$ 18.9 billion. This aid is, of course, not always used for core areas. Quite a bit of it is used for non-core and arrogant areas such as the so-called ‘governance’ issues, ‘capacity’ building, etc. I call these non-core and arrogant because the people of Uganda do not need assistance in governance because we liberated ourselves from dictatorship, with only some help from our African brothers like the late Mwalimu Nyerere, Samora Machel, Kenneth Kaunda and the late Muammer Gaddafi (some little help of 96 rifles initially). The core areas where Uganda needs assistance is in electricity, roads, the railways, the water works, irrigation, ICT infrastructure, education and health. In spite of the obvious achievements by NRM, the Obbos are always maligning this great NRM and its leaders. The NRM, however, unbothered and supported by the people of Uganda, continues to execute its historical mission. Obbo, having run out of lies to tell from Nairobi, has now become “a war correspondent” writing from Mogadishu about the work of UPDF of defeating Al-Shabaab. This time, neither him nor his foreign masters in the form of the “the foreign diplomat he had coffee with before he went to Mogadishu”, can hide the great and unique work of UPDF in the very difficult situation of Somalia. The foreign diplomat was struck by “how different” the UPDF was from other Third World armies. That is what the Obbos should have realized long ago because NRA/UPDF is a revolutionary Army founded on the principles of nationalism, patriotism and pan-Africanism. It is very “professional”. What did our previous manifestos say? Was it not to professionalize the previously guerrilla army? However, professionalism is not the only point that distinguishes UPDF from other Armies, even the First World ones. It is the ideology that makes it unique. That is why we supported the restoration of monarchy although we are not monarchists ourselves. Regarding the quality of our military leaders and cadres, does Obbo remember that we deliberately recruited educated people (“A” level and degree-holders) into the Army? What was the practice of Obbo’s political group? Obbo’s foreign diplomat also observed that CDF Aronda “displayed a level of political astuteness that is rare among these African Generals”. Isn’t Obbo part of the groups that have been agitating that UPDF leaves Parliament (the 10 seats that are our listening post in the Parliament of our civilian members)? It is precisely because we know that NRA/UPDF is among the most ideologically advanced elements of the Ugandan society that we insist that a few of them should be in Parliament. Hasn’t Obbo ever heard that the whole of NRM/UPDF were armed political revolutionaries? We are always fighting for ideology and not pay. It is not a career for us, it is a cause. The only thing we avoid, especially those in uniform still, is partisanship. Even NRM, although a political party, we are not really partisan. Then, Obbo correctly compares the work of the 9,500 AMISON troops with the 38,000 US troops that were defeated by the Somalis in 1992. The US is our friend and it is not my job to make those comparisons. That job is for journalists like Obbo if only they were honest, were non-partisan and bothered to get informed instead of operating on prejudices. I can only talk about the discipline of NRA/UPDF right from the bush days. We followed Mao Tse Tung’s exhortation: “Never take a needle or thread from the people without paying for it”. If a UPDF soldier killed a mwanainchi in Mogadishu, we would not bring him for trial in Kampala. He/she would be tried and shot in Mogadishu in front of the relatives of the victims. This is what we did with Zabuloni and his friend in Mulule near Semuto in 1982. Has Obbo read that history of the NRA? Besides, NRA/UPDF only fights just wars. In the case of Somalia, we only went to guard the Airport and the Sea Port. It was the Al-Shabaab who foolishly, intoxicated by their bankrupt foreign ideology picked from the Middle East and Asia of Islamic chauvinism, that attacked us ─ that they wanted to drive out “infidels”. “Infidels” are their own African brothers and sisters. Who, then, are their brothers and sisters ─ Arabs, Asians? Somalis are part of the Cushitic people like the Oromos, the Nubians of ancient Egypt and many other African peoples who live in East Africa. The Somalis word for cow is: “sa”. In many of the Bantu dialects cow-dung is called “sa” ─ “busa”, “amasha”, etc. The Somali word for water is “pio”. What is the Luo word for water? “pii”! Yet these confused Al-Shabaab were calling us “infidels” just because many (not all) Ugandans are not Moslems. Besides, our military plans were not adventurist ─ trying to do too much at ago. Then, there is the question of handling civilians which Obbo has, for a change, described well. Then, Obbo relapses into his subjectivism by claiming that Al-Shabaab was an opponent like we have “never faced” before and tells lies about our intervention in Congo. First, Al-Shabaabs are no different from Lakwena – rushing and attacking in waves. Yes, Al-Shabaabs have got more technical capacity, using IEDs, mounted heavy machine guns (12.7mm), etc. However, remember that Al-Shabaabs were attacking by suicidal assaults a much more equipped Army (UPDF) with tanks, IFVs, etc., compared to the NRA of 1986/87 that defeated similar maniacal, mass assaults by the Lakwenas. At that time the NRA had no weapon advantage over the enemy. Our strongest weapons were the heavy machine guns (Nabissojo, 12.7mm, sometimes 14.5mm fired with flat trajectory). It was, again, the good command, correct tactics and a high ideological awareness that enabled us to defeat the Lakwenas just like we defeated the Al-Shabaabs recently. This time, though, we were much better equipped than when we fought the Lakwena suicidal fighters. About the so-called “disastrous” involvement in Congo, again, Obbo is wrong. Apart from the misunderstandings with Rwanda, we achieved many of our aims. First of all, the agent of foreign interests Mobutu was defeated by RPA. I think at that stage we made some material contribution. In the second phase, UPDF defeated all attempts by Angola, Chad and Kabila’s own forces to advance beyond Mbandaka. We used that time to defeat ADF and secure the peace for Western Uganda. We only withdrew voluntarily but not before we defeated Besigye’s group PRA in Ituri. Under the Lusaka Accord, we paved (along with others) the way for the democratization of Congo. It is only when the UN came in that they forgot about the Lusaka process. However, all parties in Congo came to know that we sought no hegemony in Congo. That is why our relations with almost all the Congolese parties, including President Joseph Kabila, improved and they began to trust us. Today, the trade with Congo is of the order of US$ 327.1 million (2010). It is the first time since the colonization of Africa that you have buses from Uganda going to Goma, etc. Congo now is an Afro-oriented country unlike in the past when it was a beach-head of foreign interests. The only difference, probably, that may be important for the likes of Obbo, our involvement in Congo was not supported by the Western countries. Our involvement in Somalia is now supported by all the countries of the world because all other efforts had failed. About the difference between urban warfare and the bush warfare, Obbo could be informed that, yes, urban warfare is different from bush warfare. Urban warfare needs a lot of vigilance and some specialized equipment and training. However, in terms of fatigue and energy expenditure, bush fighting is more exerting ─ walking long distances, crossing raging rivers, etc. Initially, in Mogadishu there was over sights in connection with acquiring some breaching means to break into walls. It problem was identified and solved. Besides, this is not the first time NRA/UPDF is fighting in the built up areas. Obbo needs to be reminded that Kampala is a city. How was it captured in 1986? 1st battalion, under Mugisha, assaulted Lubiri, Bakuli, Kampala road and Radio Uganda, 3rd battalion, under Lumumba, was my tactical reserve in the battle for Kampala. 11th battalion, under Chefe Ali, assaulted Nansana, Makerere, Wandegeya and, eventually, Summit View. 7th battalion, under Kyaligonza, assaulted Ndeeba and it took a whole day to capture Makindye barracks. 5th battalion, under Kashillingi blocked Entebbe Road at Kisubi. The Entebbe UNLA group, however, broke through the Kashillingi force because of some mistakes he had made in deployment. The UNLA group was 900 strong. I deployed my tactical Reserve, 3rd battalion, under Saleh and Lumumba, who stopped them at Zana. The whole group surrendered at 2100 hours. 13th battalion, under Ivan Koreta, blocked Bombo road. A special battalion, under Jet Mwebaze, captured Bwaise after clearing Sentema. Both the 19th battalion, under Peter Kerim and the 15th battalion, under Samson Monday were on the Western axis under Tinyefuuza. 21st battalion and 9th battalion, under Benon Tumukunde and Kihanda respectively, were part of my strategic Reserve. One was in Kabaale and the other one was in Kasese. Therefore, urban fighting is not that new to NRA/UPDF. Yes, the Al-Shabaab, intoxicated by ideological chauvinism, are more motivated in fighting than the UNLA; but the latter also tried to put up a strong fight. However, Lakwena’s group was as fanatical as the Al-Shabaab, the one using religion and the one using magic. Obbo, quoting Paddy Ankunda, writes of “pincer movement”; he says: “I don’t think any Army in Africa has ever done what we did for Al-Shabaab out of Bakara market”. That is not correct. How was Kampala captured? By blocking Entebbe road and Bombo road and assaulting from Masaka and Hoima roads. At that time, we did not have enough manpower to block Mukono road. Also the time to infiltrate up to Mukono road before the assault was not there even if we had the forces. What was that if not a pincer movement? However, NRA did more than merely executing pincer movements, threatening to encircle the enemy. It, actually, encircled big enemy groups both operationally and tactically. Operationally, we blocked Katonga Bridge, blocked Mityana road and blocked Fort Portal-Hoima road. Tactically, we sieged Masaka garrison and Mbarara garrison. There were about 1,000 soldiers in Masaka and 3,000 in Mbarara. The NRA encircled, in an assault attack, the huge Lakwena group at Corner Kilak and killed 1,000 rebels. The remnants only survived because they broke through one of the encircling battalions. In border operations against WNBF and LRA we effected lethal encirclement battles which I would not like to go into. Therefore, the battles of encirclement and annihilation, rather than merely routing the enemy, are part of the doctrine of NRA from the very beginning. It is only where we are limited by manpower that we attack from one side, two sides or three sides. Otherwise, with enough means, we encircle the enemy on four sides to fight decisive battles of annihilation. It is not correct to say that no African Army has ever done this. The TPDF, in our fight with Amin was, mainly, using encirclement. That is how we captured Gayaza hill on the 26th of February, 1979, under General Mayunga. That is how Entebbe town was captured by General Maarwa. He blocked the Libyans from retreating from Entebbe, at Bwebajja. That is why that area is called Kilibya ─ very many Libyan APCs were destroyed there and prisoners taken. That is how Brigades 208, 207 and 201 of TPDF destroyed the Palestinian Force that had come to support Amin at Lukaya. Maarwa, coming from Kanoni, Kabulasoke, encircled them at the Equator, while they were busy fighting 201 Brigade which was coming from Lukaya. Samora Machel effected a strategic encirclement against the Portuguese Army in Mozambique which was confronting FRELIMO in Cabo Delgado and Niassa provinces on the Tanzanian border. Samora, using Zambia, opened the 3rd Front through Tete Province, emerging in the rear of the big Portuguese Army in Northern Mozambique, under General Kaulza D’Arriaga. Portugal was supported by the White Regimes of Ian Smith and the Boers in South Africa. Now comes Obbo’s evil spirit. He writes: “Because the UPDF in Mogadishu had to mollycoddle civilians in ways it has never done before and were involved in urban warfare that was largely alien to them, the Somalia operation opened doors for the appointment of some of the army’s most creative minds to work there”. He continues: “Even if President Museveni wanted to promote an officer from his village or a loyalist, he had to find one that was qualified. Appointing an incompetent one would be to condemn him to a quick death at the hands of the Al-Shabaab”. Poor Obbo, even now you do not understand UPDF. We always look for capable fighters ─ commanders. Most of the commanders who captured Kampala, attacked Masindi on the 20th of February, 1984, attacked Kabamba on the New Year’s Day of 1985, fought at Corner Kilak, fought in the border operations against Kony and Juma Oris were competent commanders. That is why we won victories. There are some who make mistakes ─ even in the Somali operation. These are, however, exceptions. Obbo’s pathetic attempt to distinguish between bush fighters and urban fighters is another fallacy. Lokech, who is now the contingent commander in Somalia, first distinguished himself as a bush fighter on the Gulu-Kitgum road and in Congo in the battles of Dungu. A commander who is only good in urban warfare and not good in bush warfare is not a good commander. Urban warfare is just an aspect of warfare. Marshal Zhukov, the principal commander of the 2nd World War given the large battles he fought, fought on the remote Russian-Mongolian border in 1939 against the Japanese, he fought in the Battle of Moscow in 1941 (not in the city itself but just to the West of it), he encircled and destroyed the German 6th Army in Stalingrad (partly rural, partly urban), he fought in the Kursk battle in 1943, in Leningrad, in the Vistula ─ Oder Operation, in the liberation of Byerorrussia and, finally, in the battle of Berlin (a big city). A good commander must be good for both rural and urban battles. It is only what we call mission training that is different. Then, Obbo takes on the SFG and Uganda Police. They are loyalist as opposed to “the neglected wife”, UPDF. SFG is part of UPDF if Obbo does not know. It started in the bush as a mere section to guard the Chairman of the High Command (CHC) whenever I would be moving from zone to zone in co-coordinating the war. We decided not to divert battalions to guard CHC as he moved around the war zone. This concept proved to be good. By the time we came into Government, it had become PPU (Presidential Protection Unit), then, PGB (Presidential Guard Brigade) and, finally, SFG. It has always done three things in one: it is a Protection Unit for the President; it is one of the Nurseries for leadership (Aronda whose astuteness impressed Obbo’s foreign friend is one of the graduates of this Nursery) and it is part of our strategic Reserve for war. Of course, Mr. Obbo would not know because our commanders would not trust telling him all. In that Mogadishu Force, there are SFG specialist units, whose work is exemplary. Therefore, both the “favourate” wife and the “neglected” wife are both on that frontline which Obbo visited recently. However, in fact there is only one “wife” ─ UPDF. The distinctions are Obbo’s problem. I will just give Obbo one incident. During Bashir’s proxy war against us, he gave Kony a recoilless 82mm cannon to destroy our Mambas. Kony, indeed, damaged a number of them. I sent an SFG unit to kill this gunner and capture this gun. They did not disappoint us; they caught up with the gunner at Barlegi in North Lango, killed the gunner and captured the cannon. Since this was a hot bed of Kony activities at that time, I decided to camp there with SFG elements. Although Kony was still around, he feared to attack us and SFG provided the security for the area ever since. This “massive and loyalist force” has a purpose. Obbo talks of “loyalists”. Are there soldiers who are not loyal to the President of Uganda whom Obbo knows? If he knows and does not report those un-loyal soldiers, then, he is committing misprison of treason. Soldiers are loyal to the President of Uganda because he is elected. Originally, they were loyal because of the just war against the killers. If, however, I had not been elected in 1996, 2001, 2006 and 2011, those soldiers would not be loyal to me. If there are soldiers who are not loyal to the elected President of Uganda, then, whom are they loyal to? Another pitiable position of the Obbos is that we are using our Army to ingratiate ourselves with the Americans, etc., so that they do not put pressure on us “on governance”. We do not need pressure to exercise good governance over our people. We fought for good governance ─ we are experts in that field. Since 1986, when I met President Reagan, we started working with the Americans and some of the Western countries. Before that time, we, however, had little contact with the Western countries because they had been on the side of our enemies (Boer South Africa, Portuguese colonialists, British, French colonialists). This capacity we built it by ourselves. We were slightly helped by our African brothers of Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique and, to a small extent, Gaddaffi’s Libya although we had fought him when he was backing Idi Amin. We work with the Western countries where our interests coincide. We do not need to ingratiate ourselves with anybody for opportunistic reasons. In conclusion, I, in part, sympathize with poor Obbo. In spite of his hatred for NRM, NRM is growing stronger. Among other achievements, it has built a strong Army for Uganda for the first time. Remember, the British left only one battalion at Jinja (4th KAR). This Army has defeated terrorism in Uganda, disarmed the Karimojong cattle-rustlers and contributed to regional peace. Obbo, the hater of NRM, cannot stomach this credit going to NRM. Hence, “loyalist” Forces vs the “neglected wife”, mythical and comic “bush” and “urban” commanders. It is like somebody drowning in water. There is no coherence. Mr. Obbo, only patriots, revolutionaries can build an Army like UPDF. We are patriots, nationalists (non-sectarian as far as religion and tribes are concerned) and pan-Africanists. I was in Mozambique, as a student, in 1968, in the liberated areas of FRELIMO. What was I looking for? Money, power, term limits or what? In any epoch, nations have patriots and traitors. It is patriots who can build an Army like UPDF and we have done it. It is for the Obbos and even the foreigners who have got interest in Africa to decide whom they want to work with. Do they want to work with patriots or with quisling traitors? The patriots will march forward to victory whatever the obstacles. They need no sponsorship like the traitors do and are always groveling in the dust for that sponsorship.

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