Universal Primary & Secondary Free Education, were Donor Funded Initiatives!

In a bid to gain votes M7 introduced free universal education measures as campaign promises when in fact they were funded by donors in their effort to meet their development objectives regardless of the political advantage it gave the incumbent government.

The irony of universal free education is that it was disastrous in the begining because it was hastily introduced in M7's bid to gain votes, the education system was ill prepared for the immediate and massive influx of students. This resulted in well off families sending thier kids to private schools. page 188 - Museveni's Uganda Paradoxes of Power in a Hybrid Regime

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Why Uganda Deserves a New Leader in 2011

One major and simple reason why the time for new leadership in Uganda is well overdue is because, no single leader, however brilliant or powerful he may be, has all the answers to solving the most intractible problems of a modern day nation.

Most successful democratic nations today achieve their success by harnessing the synergies and capacity of their diversity in leadership.

M7's continued effort to cling to power is simply anachronistic and Neopatrimonialism to the democratic needs of the future of Uganda.

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M7 is Lying about the opposition for political expediency!

Museveni on Radio Rupiny studios in Gulu district. Centre is talkshow host Rocky Menya and northern Uganda presidential adviser Richard Todwong

By Cyprian Musoke and Chris Ocowun | Newvision Sunday, 21 November, 2010

Its preposterous and disingenuous for M7 to assert that Dr.Otunnu did not help his tribesmen when they were suffering under Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army!

Dr. Otunnu courageously spearheaded the effort to bring the worlds attention to the plight of the people of Northen Uganda, especially the scourge of the wars effect on innocent children as the video below will show.



Liberating the country is often an over used excuse M7 uses against the opposition at election time to perpetuate his one man rule ideology on Uganda.

NOT THIS TIME!: Ugandans and opposition leaders that know the truth must speak out against M7's ridiculous allegetions!

M7 would not have liberated Uganda without many unsung Ugandan heros, dead and alive!

NRM presidential candidate Yoweri Museveni has castigated the opposition for saying he should “go home”. Museveni said he liberated the country while many of his critics were relaxing in European capitals.

Campaigning at Pajule Primary School in Pader district on Saturday, Museveni singled out Uganda presidential candidate Olara Otunnu who for a long time served as undersecretary for child affairs at the UN.

Museveni said Otunnu did not help his tribesmen when they were suffering under Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army

.
Read the complete article at Newvision.com

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A Reality Check on M7's Campaign Rhetoric!

Museveni, addressing a crowd at Kololo airstrip | Newvision, Mon. 25th Oct. 2010

Corruption and the country's rapid population growth risk hindering economic growth

M7's Campaign Rhetoric:

Museveni said NRM’s achievements are not only recognised in Uganda, but across the world.

Reality Check:

"Uganda is not as oppressive as Rwanda and is not implicated to the same extent in the bloodletting in neighbouring Congo. But it cannot boast the same success. Peace is holding in troubled north of the country, but the economy there remains in a pitiful state."

"Indeed, judged by his original promises when he came to power in 1986, Mr Museveni has performed dismally. Democracy has increasingly been corroded by militarism and jawing about a liberation struggle most Ugandans are too young to remember. Achievements in macroeconomic policy have been offset by favouritism and corruption." - The
Economist

M7's Campaign Rhetoric:

“NRM has liberated Uganda from dictators and has brought peace to the country. Our economy is self-reliant as we can work on development programmes without depending on foreign loans and grants.

Reality Check:

Musevni's Government is a "Hybrid regime": "Hybrid regimes are fraught with contradictions. Their leaders adopt the trappings of democracy, yet they pervert democracy - sometimes through patronage and largess, other times through violence and repression - for the sole purpose of remaining in power." - Aili Mari Tripp

***Foreign aid still contributes 30 percent of Uganda's annual budget! It a false claim for M7 to say our economy is self-reliant!

Germany has extended a USD207 million grant to Uganda

How the UK government is supporting the country

United States aid to Uganda


M7's Campaign Rhetoric:

“It is us who have liberated Uganda from those problems, who deserve to be entrusted with the leadership of the country,” he said amidst ululations from supporters.

Reality Check:

Many other noble Ugandans including Dr. Besigye, Major Muntu and others that passed away fought in the liberation struggle with M7!

M7's Campaign Rhetoric:

Museveni dismissed his competitors in the 2011 presidential race asking him to relinquish power, saying they are underachievers with nothing to offer.

Reality Check:

Museveni overextended his stay in power by cajoling members of his ruling party into voting to scrap term limits for president, rigging elections, and intimidating opponents and voters. During the past 25 years, none of his opponents have had a chance to govern. How can he now call them underachievers?

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The Epicenter of 2011 Eelections

The epicenter of 2011 elections in Uganda is M7's overextended stay in power and its corrupting effect on our democracy !

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Another book indicting M7's pervertion of democracy!

Click here to read this book's author's introduction

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Olara Otunnu interview with The Observer

"Uganda doesn’t belong to Museveni and his military clique who have been plundering and terrorising the country for the last 25 years. It is high time Ugandans behaved as the owners of this country. We must resolve to take back, regain control of our country from the Museveni clique that has hijacked it". - Olara Otunnu

Written by Michael Mubangizi | THE OBSERVER
Wednesday, 20 October 2010 



Federo to be decided by national conference


Otunnu will fight corruption ‘like it is a war’

New constitution to replace ‘Museveni’ constitution

Replace UPE with quality primary education



Since UPC pulled out of the opposition alliance, IPC, on August 30, Party President OLARA OTUNNU has kept Ugandans guessing almost about everything – from his candidacy to whether he would follow through on his threat to boycott the 2011 general elections organised under the watch of Eng. Badru Kiggundu.



However, in a Saturday interview with MICHAEL MUBANGIZI, Otunnu put an end to the speculation, announcing he would run for president. He also laid bare his political plans for Uganda which include quashing the current Constitution.



How have the 14 months been since you returned to Uganda?



The period has been intense, packed with events and activities at a personal and political level. I have moved around the country several times, activating UPC structures and mobilising our supporters.



People had a lot of expectations in you. They thought you would advance UPC and the opposition cause, do you think you have lived up to their expectations?



It is for others to say, not me. But I have tried to put on the national agenda, things that had been either missing or under represented. I have made the issue of free and fair elections, replacing the current Electoral Commission, acquire a new dimension.



Although it had been discussed before I came, it hadn’t acquired the sharp prominence it has today.

My coming home has opened the question of truth telling and accountability that had been quietly spoken about. When I came I said this is the most unresolved issue on the national agenda.



Today, lawyers, judges, academia and religious people are beginning to say that I have a point.

On the rule of law, I don’t know when Ugandans had said to government officials, ministers and Police officers that, “sorry, I will not comply with this order because it is illegal,” the way I did when I snubbed Police summons.



I am surprised that people were utterly shocked when I did what is perfectly normal and legal. It shows the extent of the culture of impunity that the President has cultivated in Ugandans that whatever he says becomes law.



Even our rulers, Police, the President must rule under the law not above the law. We must not assist them to break the law with our compliance. I am respectful of the laws of this country but above all, the rule of law.



Acting the way Museveni did was undermining the rule of law and misusing the CID. Instead of letting them investigate crime, people that burn schools, sacrifice little kids, he is telling them to arrest, interrogate Otunnu!



People are terrified of doing anything that would invite reprisals from government. I have been telling people not to be afraid. We must not accept abuse, terror and victimization. If there is one thing I represent, it is seeing Uganda as one, cohesive nation despite our diversity.



As an aspect of this is the issue of Buganda, Uganda question, or UPC and Buganda. I have said we want to build one country in which a Muganda can be very proud to be one and also equally feel proud being a Ugandan.



We address the issue of 1966 not withstanding that historians will continue to debate what [former president Milton] Obote, [Kabaka] Muteesa, Mengo and the central government did. I have extended to Buganda the hand of dialogue, good will and friendship.



How are you planning to address the demand for federalism? Dr. Kizza Besigye says he will automatically grant federalism, Norbert Mao says he will subject it to a vote?



Federalism is not a Buganda issue but a Uganda issue, even though Buganda has been at the forefront of championing it. Uganda remains the most highly centralised and personalised government.



I am personally in favour of a formula in which decisions are made at the closest proximity by those affected by them. Besides federalism, there are so many pending national issues like land, monarchies and kings, development, national unity which need to be resolved.



My idea is that we need a national compact (constitution) that brings these pieces together and the way to arrive there is by convening a national conference bringing together representatives of our country.



These would debate freely and arrive at the compact (constitution) which will translate into a new constitutional order. The current constitution was imposed [on people]. It was debated, but there was tremendous pressure from Museveni and NRM leaders, so this is a Museveni or regime constitution.



We want a constitution freely arrived at by free representative citizens. We need an open, democratic forum where free citizens openly and democratically dialogue and arrive at that.



What if people at the National Conference reject federalism, will you respect their view?



Of course it has to be democratic. We won’t impose anything on anybody. I have told you personally, I support federalism and I will champion it. Happily as it turns out, most Ugandans support federalism as seen by the Benjamin Odoki Commission findings. I am not afraid that Ugandans will reject it. I think it is a question of working out the details.



So your federalism promise is not automatic. It is subject to views of the people who will attend the National Conference?



No. You are mis-framing the issue. I said me and UPC as a party support federo. I believe most Ugandans support it. I think the National Conference will agree with a federal structure. We just need a national forum to discuss it and work out the precise details of what a federal structure will look like.



If it is supported, why not guarantee it automatically instead of subjecting it to a lengthy process where it could be rejected?



How do you make it automatic? You mean the President wakes up one day and says we now go federalism? That is unconstitutional.



What if that conference rejects federalism?



Don’t ask me hypothetical questions. You know my views and UPC’s stand on federalism and what we shall be championing, pushing for and in what framework.



Museveni has been subjecting those processes to Parliament, commissions of inquiry, LCs and it has been rejected?



That is the point I am making that we want to get away from government by dictate. For this (federalism) to be sustainable and entrenched in our political culture, it needs to have popular support. It needs to have a country as a whole saying, yes, this reflects our wishes. This is not just for federalism, but other issues which I have told you.



Shouldn’t you be telling Ugandans how your government will help them get money, food, peace, good roads and schools for their children instead of investigating who killed them in wars?



Those who hold that position can’t be moral. It is very different from what people tell me when I go to Luweero, northern Uganda and Ombachi. It is different from what families of people who were massacred during the September 2009 riots, survivors of the murder of Muslims (in Mbarara) and people who were deeply affected in 1966 tell me.



People want healing and we shall never heal without addressing these traumatic episodes honestly, with humility and in a forgiving way. Knowing facts is imperative.



Does that take precedence over good roads, schools?



No body has been pressing hard for quality schools, roads, hospitals and making the wellbeing of ordinary people the preoccupation of government than myself. You have heard me ask why the state has abandoned ordinary people.



You have been sitting on the fence on key issues. For instance, it is not clear whether UPC will participate in the coming elections or whether you, Olara Otunnu, will contest [for] the presidency?



You can’t say that I have been sitting on the fence when I am the one who has been calling for truth telling, saying that we must have genuine rule of law, not a police state when I have been outspoken about the corruption in this country.



Okay, will you contest the presidency in the coming election?



Now you are talking. And on that one UPC hasn’t been sitting on the fence. We have been categorical in saying that we shall not settle for anything less than a free and fair election. We have been equally clear that we need a new, independent electoral commission and a new clean, verifiable voters’ register.



We have always said even in the IPC meetings that we are not for boycott. We are participating and UPC will field a presidential candidate. In UPC, the party president is automatically the presidential candidate.



How far have you gone with the collection of signatures for submission to EC ahead of the October 25-26 presidential nominations?



I don’t know. Because I am not personally doing that. But you can be sure that whatever the date is for the [presidential] nomination, UPC will be fully represented. We are not bystanders; we are not watching the train as it goes by.



What does your candidature offer that people like Museveni, Dr. Besigye and Mao don’t?



We have a unique package that Ugandans are crying for. UPC is a nationalist party whose vocation is to unite our country across ethnic, religious lines.



Today, our country is tragically polarized and divided by Museveni’s divide and rule policy. We need UPC and Olara Otunnu. I have personally been devoted to the issue of national unity since my public engagement on Uganda’s political scene.



If there is one thing that UPC and Olara Otunnu stand for, it is to serve ordinary Ugandans and make their well-being the central business of government.



Over the last 25 years, government has abandoned the ordinary people. So the issue of delivering social services to the ordinary people is very important. Instead of UPE, we want to rebuild quality primary education, accessible medical services and support farmers in the countryside.



We shall re-establish the cooperatives network, invest in infrastructure so that there is free movement of goods and services. The reason ordinary people are not served is because those in power are using (state) resources that should be used to benefit ordinary people to serve themselves.



So fighting corruption is like a war and enforcing accountability will be an important aspect that we will bring. I believe very strongly in an inclusive Uganda that doesn’t segregate between different regions, communities and social classes whether in education, award of scholarships and employment opportunities, decent health, education.



I want a society in which one’s fate is not determined by where they are born or their faith. We shall also address the issue of truth telling and accountability for the reasons I have told you.

Then I have told you the issue of a new national compact (constitution.)



In terms of the economy, I want an economy which works for Uganda as a whole, not just for the State House investors. I want an economy that encourages the ordinary person to sell [their produce] in India, China; a tax policy that supports and encourages local entrepreneurs to be the engine of the economy instead of punishing them as is the case today.



What gives you confidence that you will win when the UPC candidate came last in the 2006 elections and when the party has lost all the by-elections under your watch?



If you move around the country like I have done, you will see what is happening to UPC-it is an incredible resurgence and revival. Don’t waste your breath speculating about what percentage we will get, what we ask for is a genuine free and fair election. The rest will fall into place.



After quitting IPC, which party, say DP or NRM, would you be willing to work with?



The day I announced we were leaving IPC, I paid tribute to parties which aren’t members of the IPC for their contribution to democracy in Uganda. I said very clearly that we look forward to working with them and supporting each other.



I made it clear that the task ahead calls for collaboration and working together. We very much want to do that with all the parties in and out of IPC. So our leaving IPC wasn’t about closing doors for collaboration. We have kept the doors open and we have been discussing and talking to all the parties.



Even NRM?



There is no bad blood between us and NRM but there is a fundamental gap, a bridge that is impossible to overcome. I have several friends in NRM but we have not discussed the issue of collaboration between UPC and NRM. We just speak and discuss as personal friends.



As UPC we are eager to cooperate with all democracy seeking political parties. NRM is not a democracy seeking political party; it is a democracy blocking, democracy undermining and democracy killing political party. There are however people in NRM who are very patriotic, like any of us who actually want to see change in Uganda. So we would welcome them to join our broad movement for change.



What will you do with the signatures that you are currently collecting?



That is a non-partisan project. It is neither a UPC nor Olara Otunnu project. It is for all Ugandans who want to see free and fair elections in Uganda employing a strategy of positive, non-violent resistance. We are demanding a new electoral commission and a clean verifiable voters’ register.



This is part of a broader strategy. When we get a significant number, it will be a demonstration to Uganda and to the entire world that the vast majority of Ugandans want free and fair elections and are demanding a new electoral commission and a clean, verifiable voters’ register.



Is that enough to change the Electoral Commission?



I am completely convinced that if we act together on a non-partisan basis, beyond political parties, if we bring together civic, religious organizations, young women and men outside political parties, we can and we shall overturn the Museveni-Kiggundu Electoral Commission and have a new, independent Electoral Commission.



People thought you would unite the party, but former UPC leaning independent MPs have officially defected to FDC and NRM?



Before I was elected [UPC president], there were factions, a case in courts of law. Since my election and my policy of reconciliation in the party, we are not in court, we aren’t fighting each other. All those who were fighting each other are represented in my cabinet.



The MPs from Lango you are talking about have for many years not been active in UPC. They have a UPC background, but they stood as independents. In fact, all of them, during this Parliament, their memorandum of cooperation wasn’t with UPC but with FDC. They have now decided to formalize that relationship.



We disagree, but respect their decision. We wanted them to come back to UPC; I had dialogue with Cecilia Ogwal, inviting her to come back to UPC. Our door has been wide open, and many have actually comeback. It so happens that the MPs from Lango who have been independent and cooperating with FDC have decided to join FDC.



Being Langi, could they be leaving because the party is led by an Acholi?



When they left UPC [and stood as independents], a Muganda was heading UPC, not an Acholi. As far as I know there is no ethnic or personal dimension to this issue.



Last word



Uganda doesn’t belong to Museveni and his military clique who have been plundering and terrorising the country for the last 25 years. It is high time Ugandans behaved as the owners of this country. We must resolve to take back, regain control of our country from the Museveni clique that has hijacked it.



mcmubs@observer.ug

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"The censor and the inquisitor have always lost!"

Books won't stay banned.  They won't burn.  Ideas won't go to jail.  In the long run of history, the censor and the inquisitor have always lost.  The only weapon against bad ideas is better ideas.  ~Alfred Whitney Griswold, New York Times, 24 February 1959



Read an excerpt from the Censored Book!

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The Correct Line? Uganda Under Museveni

Also click here to read: Museveni's Uganda: Paradoxes of Power in a Hybrid Regime

                          
Click here to listen to Dr. Kobusingye's interview

You can also read a chapter a day @: http://bit.ly/cQmcDy

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Road conditions in M7's Uganda

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The Correct Line?: Uganda Under Museveni

Also click here to read: Museveni's Uganda: Paradoxes of Power in a Hybrid Regime

Click here to Check out excerpts from the censored book

"Reviewers of The Correct Line? Uganda under Museveni by Dr Olive Kobusingye say the book tackles the many ironies and contradictions that have characterised President Museveni's nearly two and half decades in power." - BBC World Service

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The Value of Dr. Otunnu's Message to Ugandans!

Inspite of his detractors, Dr. Otunnu's Message to the people of Uganda is a timely and most eloquent voice in Uganda's relentless struggle against one man rule. It encapuslates the very core of the issues that every opposition leader in Uganda should be articulating in no uncertain terms, at every opportunity, in the run up to the 2011 elections.

This message is bound to singlehandedly change the course of Uganda's fledgeling democratic process in the oppositions favour!

In the realem of democratic and civil rights struggles, Dr Otunnu's message ranks right up there with history's other notable orators: like Dr. King's Letter from a Birmingham jail, I have a Dream, and Obama's speech on Race.

Dr. Otunnu's message will go down as the most significant rethoric against one man rule in Uganda's history!

Otunnu's opponents, let alone, M7 himself, could detract little from so solid an argument!

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A Movement To End Tyranny in Uganda

"I do not offer the Ugandan youth yellow envelopes stuffed with money. What I do offer our youth is something much more valuable and enduring. I want to provide them with equitable access and opportunities, with engagement and hope. So that when they complete their studies, they are not asked what family or part of th...e country they come from, before being offered a job. I want their prospects for employment to depend on their hard work and qualifications" - Olara Otunnu


(A message to the people of Uganda)


We demand free and fair elections NOW! We must take back our country!

A most daunting challenge faces our country today. Will 2011 mark the turning point we are fighting for? Or will the forces of darkness prevail, and we sleepwalk our way into a preventable national catastrophe? The answer to this question cannot wait anymore.

We in UPC are actively preparing and mobilising to participate in the elections of 2011 .We have completed our grassroots elections in most of the country .We are now in the midst of our primaries; I might add that they are proceeding in a remarkably smooth, democratic and peaceful manner. Soon all our elected flag bearers, from the level of LC3 to the presidency, will be ready to pick and process their nomination papers.

For UPC, this moment marks the beginning of an intensive nation-wide campaign for free and fair elections. Our platform is free and fair elections NOW. Our clarion call is: We Must Take Back Our Country.

Today, we have begun the journey that must lead us to free and fair elections. Today we have embarked on positive non-violent resistance, which will continue until we achieve the objective of free and fair elections. Today we have started the march of freedom.

As we have said many times before, boycott is not in UPC’s vocabulary. We have made it clear from the very beginning, and I reiterate this today, that we are not advocating boycott or no-elections.

Let there be no confusion about this .The choice before the Ugandan electorate is not between fraudulent elections and boycott; that is a false choice. Boycott suggests that the people of Uganda will be passive onlookers, taking no initiatives, waiting for Museveni to impose his fait accompli on the country. No. The real choice is between participating in fraudulent elections, on one side, and participating in genuinely free and fair elections, on the other side. Museveni is working to impose the former option.

On the other side, we the people of Uganda must mobilize and organise as never before in order to bring about the latter option. We must deploy direct and concerted non-violent actions to create a new reality, a new political situation that will make free and fair elections the only option. We must be the agents of shaping our own destiny. We must draw a line in the sand on this issue. This project will turn on the choice and resolve of the Ugandan people, not on Museveni. We must settle the issue of free and fair elections in our country, once and for all, in 2011.

I have no doubt whatsoever that this is within our grasp, that we can accomplish this objective in the year 2011. But to do so, we must all commit to this; we must remain steadfast and absolutely firm in our resolve.

Our insistence, our non-negotiable demand, is that the elections of 2011, must be free and fair. This translates into two minimum prerequisites: an independent electoral commission; and a clean and verifiable register of voters.

Why are free and fair elections in 2011 such a political and moral imperative for our country? The reasons are very clear; because they have direct impact on the daily life and future of our people.

* The ordinary Ugandans have been completely abandoned by the Museveni regime; this government has simply migrated from providing social services. This situation will never change as long as the Museveni regime does not owe its stay in power to the support and votes of the Ugandan people. Only a government that is truly elected by the voters, will be answerable to them, and will be accountable to them for its actions. Only such a government will invest in quality education for our children, provide accessible healthcare for our families, support our farmers, pave our roads, and provide support to small-and-medium scale business entrepreneurs. There is therefore a very direct link between free and fair elections and the delivery of services to ordinary people.

* The people of Uganda are yearning for change. But the current electoral process is being organised on Museveni’s terms. As in the past, it will inevitably lead to massive fraud and rigging. Change will never happen under these conditions. After 25 years of electoral fraud and terror, this leopard is not about to change its spots, unless we compel it to do so.

* Across the country, there is great excitement and expectations about 2011. We have not seen this before. There is only one reason for this. The people believe that finally, in 2011, their vote will actually count. If this is blocked, they will lose all confidence in elections as the means for change, in political parties and their leaders as the channels for that change, and in the idea of peaceful transition altogether. Some will simply give up and retreat into despondency and bitterness. Others will feel left with no option but to seek other methods of liberating themselves from 25 years of unyielding oppression. Because liberate, we must.

* Stripped of everything else, ordinary Ugandans have this one asset left in their hands - - the power of their vote. If they are robbed of this as well, they will have lost absolutely everything. They will have no stake whatsoever in the state.

* Quite simply, free and fair elections is the right of the people of Uganda. Like citizens in other countries, they deserve no less. That is why we must fight to make the people of Uganda the true winners of the 2011 elections.

* Finally, the spectre of catastrophe hangs ominously over our land. Below a superficially normal situation, the country is teetering on the brink of a political explosion, borne of a quarter century of entrenched dictatorship, humiliating impoverishment, obscene corruption, nepotism, electoral fraud and impunity. It would be a major historical blunder to misread the current situation in the country. The last hopes of the Ugandan people are now pegged on the 2011 elections. Genuinely free and fair elections in 2011 provide the last window to avert a looming national catastrophe. This is the only preventive measure left. Let nobody say tomorrow that they did not know that the situation in the country was this explosive!

Free and fair elections in 2011 is not an end in itself. It is a means to return power to the people. It is an avenue that will lead us to higher ground. It is the passage that will unblock the barrier which separates us from the realisation of our deeper aspirations.

In our campaign for free and fair elections, we shall emphasise this link. We want to move these aspirations to the centre of our national debate and agenda.

First, free and fair elections will open the way for us to establish sustainable democratic governance.

Second, we must embark on a national project to reweave the fabric of national unity, which is gravely fractured, while celebrating our diversity.

Third, we have a broken country. We need to reinvent Uganda. We need to reconstitute the Ugandan state .We have important unfinished business on our national agenda. There is need for a new national compact which will set out a new architecture of governance and distribution of power in the country. We need a new democratic constitution to replace NRM’s regime constitution. This must be the outcome of a transparent and democratic national dialogue in a free and representative forum, a national convention. This will be the occasion to put on the table, for dialogue and resolution, major issues that have been pending on the national agenda. These issues include reconstituting the state; federalism; land; uneven development; our unity and diversity.

Fourth, we shall continue to press for truth-telling and accountability. We must have independent investigations of the major traumatic episodes in our recent history, particularly, the massacre of 10 September; Luwero; massacre of Muslims in Mbarara; Ombachi massacre; and genocide committed in northern Uganda.

These episodes remain deep and festering wounds on the body politic of our country. Even as I speak, horrendous human rights abuses are going on in Karamoja.

I want to see us, as a people, climb to the top of a certain hill - - the hill of reconciliation and healing. There to embrace in humility and prayerful forgiveness. There to wipe away the tears of the communities that have long been hurting in silent, unacknowledged agony.

But the path to the top of that hill necessarily passes through the valley of sorrow, of reckoning and of acknowledgement. We cannot leapfrog our way from the land of impunity, where we are embedded today, onto that hill of reconciliation and forgiveness. Our country cannot turn a new page; it cannot experience healing without walking through this valley.

That is why we must bring forth the truth, and the whole truth shall set us free.

And, finally, our struggle is of course about political, economic and social transformation. But it is about much more than that. It is also, at a deeper level, a struggle to recover the soul of our country.

As a people, I fear that, we have lost our sense of outrage; our sense of the unacceptable; our sense of taboo. Things that would make the heavens tremble with fury, we Ugandans take in our stride, with a mere shrug of the shoulders.

So many abominations have become commonplace and ‘normal’. How else do you explain the now routine killing of children as so-called human sacrifice? And nothing happens. The serial burning down of schools, and nothing happens; the massacre of 33 unarmed demonstrators, and the following day and the following week, it is business as usual in the country; the wholesale plunder of the country by our rulers, while our people are dying from jiggers, and nothing happens. And the corrosive money culture that rules our society today.

Our country is in the midst of a major moral crisis.

Yet we are a people of faith. Yet this is a land in which God is taken very seriously.

Where are the people of God when we need them most? When will they raise their prophetic voices, to denounce plunder and rigging, genocide and impunity, discrimination and nepotism, poverty and humiliation? How long shall we wait for them to speak truth to power? Where is the fellowship of intercessors? Beyond the palpable explosion of religion, our country is crying out for a root-and-branch spiritual revival, a radical renewal that can redeem our land from the grip of evil.

A word about the security services. I have no quarrel with our compatriots who are serving in the security services (that is the armed forces, the intelligence agencies, and the police). They are our brothers and sisters, our sons and daughters. I honour their service to our country.

My quarrel is with those who exploit and cynically use them; those who give them lip service while practicing nepotism and neglecting their families. This struggle is for the future of all our children, for a life of dignity for all our families and parents. We are in this struggle together.

I have spoken recently about building a national social movement, so that together we can begin to chart a new path leading to a new Uganda. Our first order of business, our immediate priority, is the struggle for free and fair elections in 2011.

The specific strategy we have adopted for this struggle is positive non-violent resistance. This strategy for change has been used in popular struggles all over the world to bring an end to entrenched dictatorship, repressive colonial rule, systematic discrimination, and other forms of grave injustice. Our own struggle will focus on our central demand for genuinely free and fair elections--until this objective is achieved.

I want to especially invite our young people to join in this positive non-violent resistance. Because this struggle is, above all, about their future.

I do not offer the Ugandan youth yellow envelopes stuffed with money. What I do offer our youth is something much more valuable and enduring. I want to provide them with equitable access and opportunities, with engagement and hope. So that when they complete their studies, they are not asked what family or part of the country they come from, before being offered a job. I want their prospects for employment to depend on their hard work and qualifications.

I want to see again that a child born in Mucwini, a place which is difficult to find on anybody’s map, can receive quality education in that village. And from the village foundation, make his way to Gulu High, Budo and Makerere.

I want us to build an inclusive society, where a child born into an ordinary family anywhere in our country can dare to have such dreams. And I see no reason why not.

This campaign is larger than any single political party; indeed it is larger than political parties. It aims to bring together all democracy-seeking social forces: political parties; civil society; religious organisations; the business community; workers; pressure groups; the youth ; and women organisations. What unites us is a common hunger for freedom, and democratic governance in our land. This will be a citizens’ struggle.

In this, I include many of our brothers and sisters who are in the NRM. Because there are many patriotic and democracy-seeking Ugandans who are travelling in the NRM bus. I call on the NRM members who care deeply about the future of our country to join in this struggle.

There are several examples from recent history that instruct us about positive non-violent resistance: Mahatma Gandhi’s salt march campaign in India; the civil rights movement in the USA; “Solidarity” movement in Poland ; the “Velvet” revolution in Czhechoslavia; Ignatius Musazi’s boycott campaign of 1949; “Unbwogable” campaign for an independent electoral commission in Kenya; and the Save Mabira Forest campaign here.

I know we have been told that we cannot produce any change because the Museveni regime is so entrenched and ruthless, that we should accept the status quo as a fact of life; well they said the same thing about Milosevic in Serbia, about Mobutu in Zaire, about Marcos in the Philippines, about Taylor in Liberia, about Ceausescu in Romania, and about General Pinochet in Chile.

I know we have been told that change will come gradually, that we should be patient and wait. We have been waiting for a full quarter century. How long shall we wait? The time has come to borrow a leaf from President Obama who, quoting Martin Luther King, insisted on “the fierce urgency of now “.

I know they have promised to crush me; actually these small bones will be quite easy to crush, but our spirit will grow bigger and stronger. I know we have been told that Museveni’s is an empire on which the sun will never set; well the sun did set even on the British empire.

The moral force that propels our struggle is far more powerful than the fearsome Presidential Guard Brigade, the tanks, the kiboko squad, and all the awesome weapons of terror in the regime’s arsenal.

With these bare hands, waving the oboko lwedo (this is handed by elders to those embarking on a major struggle; it confers blessings, empowerment and solidarity) we shall prevail over this edifice of oppression, over the violence and terror of this regime, over the tanks and the kiboko squad. We shall prevail because our lapir (the cause for which we are fighting) is clean. And because our lapir is just, we are not alone - - we are surrounded by the blessings of our ancestors.

We shall move forward trusting in God; because He is the God of justice; because He is not indifferent to the agony and humiliation visited upon his children; because He has brought down mighty rulers from their thrones of arrogance and decadence; because He has said to the oppressor, “Let my people go!”. Because He is a just and faithful God, we are not alone.

I call on all Ugandans, within the country and in the diaspora, to join in this struggle; from Rukungiri to the Ssese islands; from Yumbe to Kyenjojo; from Rakai to Sironko; from London to Los Angeles.

We shall not be moved, just like a tree that’s standing by the waterside; we shall no be moved. Let us march in peace, in solidarity, in fellowship, fasting and praying until we hold free and fair elections. We have it within our grasp to save our country.

As the Chinese say, a journey of a thousand miles begin with one step. We shall begin the nation-wide petition marathon for an independent electoral commission today, right here. The petition marathon will continue until 5 million Ugandans have signed the petition.

We Must Take Back Our Country!

As I have gone around the country, over and over again, I have posed these questions to my compatriots: To whom does this country belong? Who are the owners of Uganda? Is it Museveni and his politico-military clique? Are we guests, squatters or refugees, here by the grace and courtesy of Museveni? Or are we the rightful owners of this country?

Invariably, the audience roared back: “We are the owners”.

We Ugandans have been reduced to subjects (not citizens) in our own country, subjugated and humiliated in our own land. The people of Uganda are being held hostage by this politico-military clique.

If this country belongs to us, then it is high time we behaved as its owners. How can we be supplicants and subjects in our own land?

That is why I say: We Must Take Back Our Country! We must regain control of our country from the politico-military clique which has hijacked it for the last 25 years. We Ugandans must take charge of our country again.

Do not be afraid. Do not be afraid. This is our country.


Olara A. Otunnu is President of Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) political party

"Speaking Truth To Empower."

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King by acclamation

The Economist magazine | Sep 8th 2010, 13:27 by J.L. | NAIROBI



Uganda is not as oppressive as Rwanda and is not implicated to the same extent in the bloodletting in neighbouring Congo. But it cannot boast the same success. Peace is holding in troubled north of the country, but the economy there remains in a pitiful state. Joseph Kony, the messianic and sadistic leader of the Lord's Resistance Army, which displaced a million people in the north and butchered thousands more, remains at large. Mr Museveni takes no responsibility for that failure.

Indeed, judged by his original promises when he came to power in 1986, Mr Museveni has performed dismally. Democracy has increasingly been corroded by militarism and jawing about a liberation struggle most Ugandans are too young to remember. Achievements in macroeconomic policy have been offset by favouritism and corruption. The country is drifting at best. Mr Museveni disparages donors, but uses them to pad out his national budget. Recent oil finds in the Lake Albert basin have made him indispensable to many of those donors, but they need to think carefully about whether another five years of Mr Museveni's increasingly regal and shuffling rule could spell disaster for a country that desperately needs ideas and impetus.

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Olara Otunnu Challenges the Status Quo!

"Fellow Ugandans, this is our country. And yet, we have been reduced to subjects, subjugated in our own land. The people of Uganda are being held hostage by a politico-military clique.It is time therefore that we, the people of Uganda, behaved as the owners of this country, not squatters or refugees in our own land.We Must Take Back Our Country! We must regain control of our country from those who have hijacked it for the last 25 years." - Olara A. Otunnu



Uganda People’s Congress president Olara Otunnu on Monday appealed to all Ugandans to embrace the idea of what he called a National Social Movement to ‘champion fight for democracy’ in the country.

Mr Otunnu was speaking at a press conference at Christ the King Church in Kampala where he officially declared the exit of UPC from the Inter-Party Cooperation(IPC).
The former UN diplomat said the country is yearning for a change of regime and yet the current electoral process being organised on Mr Museveni’s terms is out to lead to massive fraud and rigging of elections to maintain the status quo.
He thus said Uganda’s historic moment to get a new regime calls for a singular response – building a national social movement that will insist, among other demands, on genuine free and fair elections, and truth-telling and accountability.
“Together we must now begin to chart a new path leading to a new Uganda, with a new national compact,” he said.Mr Otunnu said national social movement aims to bring together democracy-seeking political parties, civil society, religious organisations, the business community, workers, pressure groups, youth and women organisations.

OTUNNU'S STATEMENT IN FULL
My fellow Ugandans, today I address you on the all-important issue and theme of: Free and fair elections -- A fork in the road. Our country is engaged in a historic struggle to regain our freedom, dignity and human rights. In this struggle, there are times when we have to make very tough choices. In so doing, we must retain our resolve and clarity of purpose.Today, we are at such a moment. As you know, we in Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) have been engaged in a difficult dialogue, one of great import to the country, with our Inter-Party Cooperation (IPC) partners.There are three major concerns that we have placed before our IPC partners.
Identity and method of work of IPC
The first issue concerns the identity and method of work of IPC. IPC is not a new political party that has emerged on the political landscape. Neither is it a merger of the political parties that constitute it. We must therefore do everything to avoid giving this erroneous impression when presenting IPC to the electorate.
IPC is an umbrella of independent political parties, with distinct ideological orientations, and autonomous national and local structures.
We in UPC believe that strong, well-defined and firmly rooted political parties are the best pillars for building and guaranteeing democracy in Uganda. We want to see political parties flourish, not wither.Moreover, in offering an alternative to the NRM modus operandi for governance, it is particularly incumbent on us in IPC to set a clear above-board example of transparent and democratic practice in our activities. Over a period of time, we have shared with our IPC partners our specific concerns in this respect.
Truth-telling and accountability
The second issue of great concern to us relates to truth-telling and accountability. There have been major traumatic episodes in our recent history. I have in mind particularly the massacre of 33 unarmed demonstrators in the streets of Kampala on 10 & 11 September, 2009; atrocities committed during the war in the Luwero triangle (1981-1985); the massacre of Muslims in Mbarara (1979); the Ombachi massacre in West Nile (1981); and the genocide committed in northern Uganda (1986-2008).
These episodes remain deep and festering wounds on the side of Uganda’s body politic. UPC has insisted that we must undertake independent investigations about what happened in each of these cases and assign responsibilities for the atrocities and crimes in question.
Our preoccupation is not retribution or revenge. Far from it. No amount of retribution can compensate for the unbelievable agony and suffering visited upon these communities. This is about reconciliation and healing in our land.I want to see us, as a people, climb to the top of a certain hill - - the hill of reconciliation and forgiveness. There to embrace in humility and prayerful forgiveness. There to wipe off the tears of the communities that have long been hurting in silent, unacknowledged agony.
But the path to the top of that hill necessarily passes through the valley of sorrow, of reckoning and of acknowledgement. We cannot leapfrog our way from the land of impunity, where we are stuck today, on to that hill of reconciliation and healing. Our country cannot turn a new page, our country cannot experience healing without walking through this valley. It is simply not possible.
For what then shall we reconcile about, if the facts about the crimes and atrocities remain deeply concealed? And who shall we reconcile with, if there is no assignment of responsibility; if there is no acknowledgement of culpability?When I have persisted in the call for truth-telling and accountability concerning these dark chapters in our history, the Museveni regime has responded with fury: We shall crush you! We shall arrest you! And sure enough a raft of charges came tumbling in: criminal libel; promoting sectarianism; sedition; and arrest warrant. I must assure the people of Uganda that, on this matter, no amount of persecution and terror will silence our voice.
It is now very clear that the Museveni regime will fight tooth-and-nail to ensure absolute concealment and silence. We are concerned that our partners in IPC have been conspicuously silent on this capital issue. We should like the question of truth- telling and accountability to move to centre stage of our common agenda. We must break this conspiracy of silence.Genuinely free and fair elections.The third issue, which is our core preoccupation and deal-breaker, concerns free and fair elections. Our country is engaged in a historic struggle to regain our freedom, dignity and human rights. At the heart of this struggle is our non-negotiable demand for genuinely free and fair elections in 2011. UPC finds itself at the point of a fork in the road. We must make a clear choice on the way forward. We cannot equivocate. Neither can we take refugee in the middle ground.
This fork in the road has its historical analogue in the African independence struggles of the late 1950s and the early 1960s. The opposing views then were between the advocates of “Independence Now!” and the proponents of “Independence as soon as possible!”. Like Kwame Nkrumah’s CPP, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere’s TANU, Kenneth Kaunda’s UNIP, Jawaharlal Nehru’s Congress Party, and Ignatius Musazi’s UNC, before us, UPC says “Free and fair elections Now!”
UPC has made its choice. We shall remain firm and faithful to the common position we unanimously adopted in IPC, concerning free and fair elections.For the sake of clarity, let me reiterate the four key components of this collective IPC position.
We are absolutely committed to ensure that the elections of 2011 are free and fair. This is a non-negotiable demand and objective. The people of Uganda, like citizens in other countries, deserve no less.
We reject the Museveni/Kigunddu Electoral Commission, because that Commission is aligned with the NRM regime, and because that Commission has been the primary instrument of electoral fraud and rigging on behalf of the regime. Specifically, our rejection means non-recognition, non-cooperation and non-participation. It is patently clear that the Museveni/Kiggundu Commission is incapable of delivering free and fair elections for the people of Uganda. That is why we absolutely insist on a new and independent Electoral Commission. The new commission must be constituted on the basis of a new modality agreed upon by all stakeholders.
We reject the voters’ register compiled by the Museveni/Kiggundu Commission. That register is fatally flawed, because of manipulation and fraud by that Commission, compounded by its incompetence. That register cannot therefore be the basis for organising free and fair elections. The register of voters needs to be overhauled and rectified by a new and independent Electoral Commission.
The Museveni/Kiggundu electoral roadmap will inevitably lead to fraudulent and rigged elections, because that roadmap is constructed on and extends from deeply flawed foundational blocks, as exemplified by a partial Electoral Commission and a fraudulent voters’ register. To arrive at our chosen destination, namely free and fair elections, the flawed foundational blocks must be reset right and the roadmap must be recharted accordingly.
IPC summit first announced to the country this clear-cut and unequivocal position on 19 May, 2010. IPC summit reaffirmed this position to the country as recently as 6 August 2010.
We are now deeply concerned that our partners in the IPC have retreated from this clear collective position. Their new message is: We shall continue to demand for free and fair elections; we shall continue to reject the Museveni/Kiggundu Electoral Commission as well as the fraudulent voters register; but, we shall participate in elections organised by the same Museveni/Kiggundu Electoral Commission, on the basis of the same fraudulent voters’ register. Our IPC partners are now saying: We shall participate, knowing full well that the elections are fraudulent and rigged.
This is the fork in the road. We cannot both reject and accept fraudulent elections. We must make a choice. In this connection, UPC extends its deep appreciation to the Episcopal Conference of the Catholic Church for its recent pastoral letter, in which it takes a clear stand in favour of genuinely free and fair elections, an independent Electoral Commission and clean voters’ register. We thank you for remaining faithful, in these trying times, to the Church’s prophetic mission to the people of God. From this podium, I urge other religious, civic and professional organisations to similarly assume their responsibility. Raise your voice! Please, raise your voice! In this moment of choice, you cannot remain silent; you cannot stand in the middle.
Why is UPC so dismayed by the change of position on the part of our IPC partners?
IPC’s reason-for-being is our unequivocal demand for genuinely free and fair elections. That is our common IPC project. This is the glue that unites us. Without that project our unity is hollow and bereft of a substantive agenda.
To say we both reject and accept the Museveni/Kiggundu Electoral Commission and the fraudulent voters’ registry, is a retreat from and a complete contradiction of the position we unanimously adopted.
The people of Uganda are yearning for a change of regime. The current electoral process is being organised on Mr. Museveni’s terms. As in the past, it will inevitably lead to massive fraud and rigging. Regime change will never happen under these fraudulent and rigged elections. After 25 years of fraud and terror, this particular leopard is not about to change its spots.
The spectre of catastrophe hangs ominously over our land. Below a seemingly normal situation, the country is teetering on the brink of a political explosion, borne of more than two decades of entrenched repression, humiliating impoverishment, staggering corruption, nepotism, repeated electoral fraud and impunity. It would be a major historical blunder to misread the current situation in the country. The last hopes of the Ugandan people are now pegged on the 2011 elections. Genuinely free and fair elections in 2011 provide the last window to avert a looming national catastrophe. This is, by far, the most effective preventive action for Uganda.
Finally, to say we reject as well as accept the Museveni/Kiggundu Electoral Commission and the current voters’ registry, sends a very disturbing and confusing message to the electorate. So I ask: What have the people been agitating for? For what have they been facing the Kiboko Squad for? And now, what shall we tell them to fight for?
A word about all this talk about boycott. Boycott is not in UPC’s vocabulary. UPC is preparing and mobilizing for the elections of 2011.We are not advocating boycott or no-elections. Our demand and insistence is that the elections that must take place in 2011, must be free and fair.
The choice before the Ugandan electorate is not between fraudulent elections and boycott; that is a false choice. Boycott suggests that the people of Uganda will be passive bystanders, taking no initiatives, waiting for Mr. Museveni to impose his fait accompli on the country. The real choice is between participating in fraudulent elections and participating in genuinely free and fair elections. Mr. Museveni is working to impose the former.
Ugandan people must mobilize, demand and create a different reality that will ensure the latter outcome. We must be the agents of shaping this destiny. We must draw a line in the sand on this issue. This project will turn on the choice and resolve of Ugandan people. We must settle the issue of free and fair elections in Uganda once and for all. I must tell you this. I have not the slightest doubt in my mind that we shall accomplish this in the year 2011; we simply must remain steadfast, firm and resolute.
UPC insists that elections in Uganda must be subject to and judged by the same internationally accepted standards of electoral probity applied elsewhere in the world. We therefore strongly condemn the scandalous exceptionalism which has been accorded the Museveni regime in the past.
UPC addresses a special message to Uganda’s international partners and the broader international community. We strongly urge them to remain faithful to and consistent with the values and standards they espouse; these norms and principles we strongly share and support. In this connection, we are deeply dismayed that, in the past, Uganda’s international partners have exhibited astonishing double-standards and exceptionalism in relation to the conduct of the Museveni regime.
I should like to stress again that what UPC insists on and is campaigning for, is genuinely free and fair elections organised by an independent Electoral Commission and based on a clean and verifiable register of voters.
UPC’s participation in IPC
UPC is an architect and founder member of IPC. The commitment and contribution of UPC to IPC is everywhere in evidence. Indeed some of the most important ideas and initiatives adopted by IPC were proposed by UPC. I have personally, over many years now, been a strong advocate of the IPC project and a united front among democracy-seeking political parties.
I wish, on this occasion, to express my very warm tribute to CP, FDC, JEEMA, SDP, and their leaders. I honour their valiant contributions to the struggle for democracy in Uganda.
It is therefore with a heavy heart and much sadness that, after very careful review, have to say that UPC is unable to continue working within the IPC project and process. UPC shall welcome the opportunity of working with CP, JEEMA, SDP and FDC within the broader framework of a national social movement to build a democratic and just society in our country.
National social movement
This historic moment calls for a singular response: building a national social movement that will insist, among its important demands, on genuinely free and fair elections, and truth-telling and accountability. Together we must now begin to chart a new path leading to a new Uganda, with a new national compact.
This is not about UPC. This is not a UPC project.
The project we are proposing to the people of Uganda today is larger than UPC; indeed it is larger than the political parties. It concerns and embraces Ugandans of all hues, orientations and affiliations. What unites us is a common hunger for freedom, dignity, reconciliation and democracy in our land.
The national social movement therefore aims to bring together democracy-seeking political parties, civil society, religious organisations, the business community, workers, pressure groups, youth and women organisations. This will be a citizens’ struggle.
We have embarked on a journey of immense importance. The future of our country hangs in the balance. In this situation, our patriotic duty is to take charge and shape our own destiny under a national social movement. Fellow Ugandans, this is our country. And yet, we have been reduced to subjects, subjugated in our own land. The people of Uganda are being held hostage by a politico-military clique.
It is time therefore that we, the people of Uganda, behaved as the owners of this country, not squatters or refugees in our own land.
We Must Take Back Our Country! We must regain control of our country from those who have hijacked it for the last 25 years.

Do not be afraid. Do not be afraid. This is our country.
I thank you very much for listening to this message.

Olara A. OtunnuPresident of Uganda Peoples CongressDelivered on 30th August, 2010, at Christ the King, Kampala

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The Ramifications of Overextended Stay in Power!

"Museveni speech: Here is what sent cabinet to sleep"

By Augustine Ruzindana | Daily Monitor Wednesday, June 9 2010


In the play, Joan of Arc by George Bernard Shaw, there is a soldier character called “a saint from Hell”. This is the soldier who gave Joan two sticks to use as a cross while she was being burnt at the stake. This was the only good thing the soldier ever did in his life. For this good act, the soldier gets one day out of Hell every year.


On Friday June 4, the Red Pepper had its one good act that may earn it a reprieve of one day out of Hell. This time, the tabloid had pictures to prove that it had a real scoop. The pictures said it all about the state of the government of Uganda and the quality of the State-of-the-Nation-Address by the boss of the 26 sleeping Cabinet ministers and NRM MPs. The sleeping cabinet could easily plead that they were following the example of their boss who is often seen in public in a similar restful repose.


However, in follow up comments by the VIPs the next day, Hon. Wopuwa gave an honest explanation: “I was bored.” That is what all the sleeping VIPs seemed to say, they have heard many times and they therefore had a peaceful sleep until their boss raised his voice to berate the opposition by menacingly emphasising that there would be elections but also carefully omitting that they would be “free and fair”.


The sleeping ministers can never have a better public accountability showing why the system is dysfunctional. If these people can afford to sleep while their benefactor is performing one of his most important public functions and while he is watching them, then what happens when they are on their own is obvious. The system is tired and those managing it are even more tired. For capturing the rulers in anaesthetic state, the Red Pepper deserves its one day out of Hell.


What is most noteworthy about this public slumber of the rulers is the sheer impunity exhibition. They knew that there was live TV coverage and photographers around but it did not matter. This is the same attitude to corruption. Corruption is so blatant that people steal public funds and take bribes and kickbacks without caring about the harm done to the public or whether it will be found out.


Thus the conservative estimate is that about 50 per cent of the public budget is stolen. Coming to the President’s address, it was more of a campaign address full of promises and aspirations of “transforming Uganda from a Third Word to a First World country”. Mulago to be rehabilitated, Kampala to get two more big hospitals, 11 referral hospitals to be rehabilitated, Karuma Dam construction to start next year, Entebbe Road to get four lanes, directing that wages close to international levels be paid to scientists etc.


Between July 2009 and March 2010, 313 projects were licensed by the Uganda Investment Authority (UIA) but how many of them have actually been implemented is what should have been reported. The whole speech was just the usual promises. How many times has Gayaza-Zirobwe-Wobulenzi, Ntungamo-Mirama Hill/Kagamba-Ishaka, Fort Portal-Bundibudyo roads etc appeared in his speeches in the last 25 years?


The speech contains a table showing improvement of taxation since 1986 but the ratio has stagnated around 13 per cent of GDP for almost 10 years and is yet to reach the African average of 18 per cent. More important would be a table showing how much of the revenue collected goes to corruption and how much to services to the public. The repetition, for three hours, of what has been said so many times is what sent the cabinet to sleep.

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The Axis of Paternalism in Uganda's Politics

The culture of paternalism has saddled our fledgling democracy with the overextended rule of one man that renders our country to an innovation and synergy deficit from complementary leadership diversity.

This axis stifles individual leadership initiative talent and the collective guts to challenge the scourge of one size fits all type of leadership on our democracy.
Instead of inspiring individual initiative talents, it encourages acquiescence, sycophancy, corruption and nepotism.

In any other developed and dynamic democracy, M7, would have been history by the end of his second five year term. Its preposterous that, for more than 20 years now, in a country with over 30 million, not withstanding the large percentage of our gullible peasant population, only one man has the ability and talent to govern Uganda!

We are not putting our abundant diversity of able and talented leadership pool to optimal use. No wonder our hospital and schools are in such decrepit state. Not to mention the rampant corruption and nepotism.

Uganda's best days lie in optimizing our abundant leadership diversity potential rather than capitulating to the anachronism of the paternalistic axis of one man rule.

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M7's 24 year hegymony is "Internal colonialism"

... "Internal colonialism" .. "... an orchestrated democratic denial that operates in relay, and is sustained by a select hegemony resolved to remain in perpetual control of the nation. Offering nothing in return, this unproductive cabal has become increasingly arrogant and contemptuous in its dismissal of even a pragmatic semblance of a gesture toward fair dealing that sometimes salves the pride and dignity of a people." - Wole Soyinka

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Mapigano ya 2011 Poll Line!

Uganda wa 2011 uchaguzi vita line itakuwa kati ya wale wanaoamini katika synergi ya boundless binadamu uwezo kutoka tofauti zetu nyingi uongozi na wale walio desperately kujaribu kuvumilia na itikadi ya zamani na redundant 23 na umri wa miaka ya utawala wa Big mtu, sycophancy & acquiescence

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The 2011 Poll Battle Line!

Uganda's 2011 poll battle line is going to be between those that believe in the boundless human potential synergy from our abundant leadership diversity and those that are desperately trying to hang on to the outdated and redundant 23 year old ideology of Big man rule, sycophancy & acquiescence!

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The Irony of M7's 23 year hegemony

What you see as progress under M7's 23 year over extended stay in power is a mirage. The sycophancy to one man rather than meritocracy. The mediocrity of one mind set that masks the far superior synergy the country could accrue from a periodic diversity in leadership!

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Museveni's 23 year old Incumbency advantage!

President Museveni's 23 year old Incumbency advantage is an impediment to diversity in leadership in Uganda!
Be a leader Mr. President and remove this shackle from our fledgling democracy with your voluntary retirement in 2011.

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The peril of M7's over extended rule!

The danger of relying too heavily on one leader can be exemplified by the leadership of Houphouët-Boigny who was commonly known as the "Sage of Africa" or the "Grand Old Man of Africa".
"Under Houphouët-Boigny's politically moderate leadership, Ivory Coast was the most prosperous nation under African rule. This success, in the midst of corrupt and poverty woed Africa, became known as the "Ivorian miracle".
At the time of his death, he was the longest-serving leader in Africa's history and the third longest-serving leader in the world, after Fidel Castro of Cuba and Kim Il-sung of North Korea. After his death, conditions in Ivory Coast quickly deteriorated. From 1994 until 2002, there were a number of coup d'états, a currency devaluation, an economic recession, and, beginning in 2002, a civil war.

In today's paradigm of knowledge and information based world, its more obvious that no single leader has all the answers at the right time, however, smart they may be.
The irony is that M7 is blatantly aware of this from his own rhetoric when he first came to power:

"The problem with African leaders is that they stay too long in power. No African leader should stay in power more than ten years!" - M7 reiterated!

23 years later M7's own rhetoric has lived up to it's bombast.

Félix Houphouët-Boigny (18 October 1905 – 7 December 1993)

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DISSENT AGAINST BIG MAN RULE IN UGANDA!

One man rule is robbing our nation of all the potential synergies that come with diversity in leadership!

YES! WE CAN MOBILIZE TO END THE SCOURGE OF BIG MAN RULE IN UGANDA!

LETS PUT THE UNTAPPED SYNERGY FROM OUR ABUNDANT DIVERSITY OF ABLE AND COMPETENT LEADERS TO WORK IN 2011, RATHER THAN PERPETUALLY ENCUMBER OUR DEMOCRACY WITH THE REDUNDANT AND OUTDATED HEGEMONY OF ONE MAN RULE!

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THE REAL AFRICAN ELECTION GAME OF MONOPOLY!

IN THE REAL AFRICAN ELECTION GAME OF MONOPOLY, INCUMBENTS HAVE AN ELECTION FRAUD GET OUT OF JAIL FREE, CARD!

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The illusion of diversity in leadership!

DIVERSITY IN LEADERSHIP HAS BEEN AN ILLUSIVE DEMOCRATIC COMMODITY UNDER M7's 23 year HEGEMONY IN UGANDA!

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For the diehard M7 cohorts!

Lets remind the NRM of thier leader's rhetoric:

"No African head of state should be in power for more than 10 years," declared President Yoweri Museveni in 1986. He is still president and wants to continue being president after a whopping 24 years in office!

Its time to hold M7 accountable to his own rhetoric!

Its time we make leadership open and equal to every able and capable Ugandan, instead of having a system that favors only Museveni!

Its time to remind the country of the rampant corruption and nepotism, the continuing high unemployment and disparity between the rich and poor that continue to prevail under M7's rule!

The lavish spending by state house!

The rigged elections!

The security intimidation of citizens!

The trumped up charges against Dr. Besigye!

The September 2009 deadly riots in Kampala!

Its time for Museveni to give other capable Ugandans a chance to lead our country and let Uganda live up to the true meaning of its fledgeling democracy!

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The irony of one man rule!

Synergy! One man rule ideologues always fail to understand this concept!
Synergy usually arises when two or more persons with different complementary skills cooperate to produce an outcome greater than if each worked individually.
One man rule marginalizes & sidelines otherwise able and capable leaders that could offer their complementary skills towards the benefit of our societies: i.e. Providing mutual national needs or offsetting mutual lacks! That's the real irony of over extended one man rule!

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NRM registers eight million members!!

YELLOW GIRLS: NRM delegates at the conference in Entebbe yesterday. They want amendments to the Constitution. PHOTO BY GEOFFREY SSERUYANGE | Daily Monitor

Almost five months since facing the most serious riots against his government, M7's government owned news paper, The new vision claims that the ruling NRM party has registered 8 million members, out of a possible 10, 500, 560 registered voters!
THE DICHOTOMY OF M7's REIGN IN UGANDA!

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MUSEVENI's 24 year Hegemony since 1986!

Subjugation can take many forms and for 24 years M7's hubris has robed our country of the benefits of diversity in leadership!

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